UNIVERSITY    OF    CALIFORNIA    PUBLICATIONS 

IN 

AMERICAN    ARCHAEOLOGY   AND    ETHNOLOGY 

Vo1'  4  No.  6 


THE   RELIGION  OF  THE   INDIANS  OF 
CALIFORNIA 


BY 

A.   L.    KROEBER 


BERKELEY 

THE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

SEPTEMBER,  1907 


51 

5 
4- 


Cited  as  Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  Am.  Arch.  Ethn. 


uiurary 

6  06  9 


CONTENTS. 

NUMBER  1. — The  Earliest  Historical  Relations  between  Mexico  and  Japan, 
Zelia  Nuttall,  pages  1-48. 

NUMBER  2.— Contributions  to  the  Physical  Anthropology  of  California,  A. 
Hrdlicka,  49-64,  tables  1-5,  plates  1-10,  map. 

NUMBER  3. — Shoshonean  Dialects  of  California,  A.  L.  Kroeber,  pages  65- 
166. 

NUMBER  4. — Indian   Myths   of   South   Central   California,   A.   L.   Kroeber, 
pages  167-250. 

NUMBER  5. — The    Washo    Language    of    East    Central    California,    A.    L. 
Kroeber,  pages  251-318. 

NUMBER  6. — The   Religion   of  the  Indians   of   California,   A.   L.   Kroeber, 
pages  319-356. 

INDEX. — Page  357. 


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AMERICAN  ARCHAEOLOGY  AND   ETHNOLOGY.    (Octavo). 
Cited  as  Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  Am.  Arch.  Ethn. 

Vol.  1.     No.  1.     Life  and  Culture  of  the  Hupa,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard. 

Pages  88,  Plates  30,  September,  1903      .        .        .  Price,  $1.25 

No.  2.     Hupa  Texts,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.     Pages  290,  March, 

1904.  .  Price,     3.00 

Vol.  2.     No.  1.    The  Exploration  of  the  Potter  Creek  Cave,  by  William  J. 

Sinclair.  Pages  27,  Plates  14,  April,  1904  .  .  Price,  .40 
No.  2.  The  Languages  of  the  Coast  of  California  South  of  San 

Francisco,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.     Pages  52,  June,  1904.       Price,        .60 

No.  3.    Types  of  Indian  Culture  in  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber. 

Pages  22,  June,  1904 Price,  .25 

No.  4.  Basket  Designs  of  the  Indians  of  Northwestern  California, 

by  A.  L.  Kroeber.  Pages  60,  Plates  7,  January,  1905.  Price,  .75 
No.  5.  The  Yokuts  Language  of  South  Central  California,  by 

A.  L.  Kroeber.     Pages  213,  January,  1907       .        .        Price,     2.25 

Vol.  3.     The  Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard. 

Pages  344,  June,  1905 Price,     3.50 

Vol.4.    No.  1.    The   Earliest   Historical    Relations   between   Mexico   and 

Japan,  by  Zelia  Nuttall.     Pages  47,  April,  1906.      .          Price,       .50 
No.  2.     Contributions  to  the  Physical  Anthropology  of  California, 
by  A.  Hrdlicka.     Pages  16,  tables  5,  Plates  10,  June,  1906. 

Price,       .75 

No.  3.    Shoshonean    Dialects   of   California,    by  A.   L.   Kroeber. 

Pages  100,  February,  1907 Price,  1.50 

No.  4.  Indian  Myths  of  South  Central  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber. 

Pages  84,  May  1907. Price,  .75 

No.  5.  The  Washo  Language  of  East  Central  California  and  Nevada, 

by  A.  L.  Kroeber.  Pages  67,  September,  1907.  Price,  .75 

No.  6.  The  Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber. 

Pages  38,  September,  1907.  Price,      .50 

Vol.  5.     No.  1.     The  Phonology  of  the  Hupa  Language:  Part  I,  The  Indi- 
vidual Sounds,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.     Pages  20,  Plates  8, 

MaVch,  1907 Price,       .35 

No.  2.  Navaho  Myths,  Prayers  and  Songs  with  Texts  and  Trans- 
lations, by  Washington  Matthews,  edited  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard. 
Pages  43,  September,  1907.  Price,  .75 

Vol.  6.     No.  1 .     The  Ethno-Geography  of  the  Pomo  Indians,  by  S.  A.  Barrett 

(in  press). 

No.  2.  The  Geography  and  Dialects  of  the  Miwok  Indians,  by 
S.  A.  Barrett  (in  press). 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA   PUBLICATIONS 


AMERICAN   ARCHAEOLOGY  AND   ETHNOLOGY 
VOL.  4  NO.   6 


THE   RELIGION   OF  THE  INDIANS   OF 
CALIFORNIA* 

BY 

A.  L.  KROEBER. 


Fundamentally  the  religion  of  the  Indians  of  California  was 
very  similar  to  that  of  savage  and  uncivilized  races  the  world 
over.  Like  all  such  peoples,  the  California  Indians  were  in  an 
animistic  state  of  mind,  in  which  they  attributed  life,  intelli- 
gence, and  especially  supernatural  power,  to  virtually  all  living 
and  lifeless  things.  They  lacked  no  less  the  ideas  and  practices 
of  shamanism,  the  universal  accompaniment  of  animism :  namely, 
the  belief  that  certain  men,  through  communication  with  the 
animate  supernatural  world,  had  the  power  to  accomplish  what 
\\;is  contrary  to,  or  rather  above,  the  events  of  daily  ordinary 
experience,  which  latter  in  so  far  as  they  were  distinguished  from 
the  happenings  caused  by  supernatural  agencies,  were  of  natural, 
meaningless,  and,  as  it  were,  accidental  origin.  As  in  most  parts 
of  the  world,  belief  in  shamanistic  power  was  centered  most 
strongly  about  disease  and  death,  which  among  most  tribes  were 
not  only  believed  to  be  dispellable  but  to  be  entirely  caused  by 
shamans.  In  common  with  the  other  American  Indians,  those  of 
California  made  dancing,  and  with  it  always  singing,  a  conspic- 
uous part  of  nearly  all  their  ceremonies  that  were  of  a  public  or 
tribal  nature.  They  differed  from  almost  all  other  tribes  of 
North  America  in  showing  a  much  weaker  development  of  the 
ritualism,  and  symbolism  shading  into  pictography,  that  consti- 
tute perhaps  the  most  distinctive  feature  of  the  religion  of  the 
Americans  as  a  whole.  Practically  all  the  approaches  to  a  system 

*  This  paper  may  be  cited  as  Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  Arn.  Arch.  Kt  1m..  Vol.  4, 
No.  6. 


320  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

of  writing  devised  in  North  America,  whether  in  Mexico,  Yuca- 
tan, or  among  the  tribes  of  the  United  States  and  Canada,  are 
the  direct  outcome  of  a  desire  of  religious  expression.  The  Cali- 
fornia Indians  however  were  remarkably  free  from  even  traces 
of  this  tendency,  equally  in  their  religion  and  in  the  more  prac- 
tical aspects  of  their  life.  In  many  parts  of  North  America,  and 
more  often  where  the  culture  was  considerably  developed  than 
where  it  was  rude,  there  was  a  considerable  amount  of  fetishism, 
not  of  the  crass  and  so  to  speak  superstitious  type  of  Africa, 
but  rather  as  an  accompaniment  and  result  of  over-symbolism. 
This  fetishistic  tendency  was  very  slightly  developed  in  Cali- 
fornia, and  this  in  spite  of — or  as  an  Americanist  could  more 
properly  say  on  account  of — the  generally  rude  and  primitive 
condition  of  culture.  By  contrast,  as  the  action  and  the  visible 
symbol  were  a  less  important  means  of  religious  expression,  the 
word,  both  spoken  and  sung,  was  of  greater  significance  in  Cali- 
fornia. The  weakness  of  the  ritualistic  tendency  is  however 
again  marked  in  the  circumstance  that  the  exact  form  of  religious 
speech  was  frequently  less  regarded  than  its  substance.  In  this 
aspect  the  Indians  of  California  differed  widely  from  such  na- 
tions as  the  Egyptians  and  the  peoples  of  Asia,  where  the  efficacy 
of  the  word  and  speech  used  for  a  religious  purpose  was  usually 
directly  dependent  upon  the  accuracy  of  their  external  and 
audible  rendering,  even  to  their  pronunciation  and  intonation. 

As  an  ethnographic  province  the  greater  part  of  California 
plainly  forms  a  unit.  There  are,  however,  two  portions  of  the 
present  political  state  that  showed  much  cultural  distinctness  in 
times  of  native  life  and  that  must  usually  be  kept  apart  in  all 
matters  of  ethnological  and  religious  consideration.  One  of  these 
divergent  culture  areas  comprised  the  extreme  northwestern 
corner  of  the  state,  in  the  drainage  of  the  lower  Klamath  and 
about  Humboldt  Bay.  The  other  consisted  of  what  is  now  usually 
known  as  Southern  California,  extending  from  the  Tehachapi 
pass  and  mountains  in  the  interior,  and  from  Point  Conception 
on  the  coast,  southward  to  the  Mexican  boundary.  The  religion 
of  the  Indians  of  the  peninsula  of  Lower  California  is  very  little 
known  from  literature,  and  the  people  themselves  are  almost  ex- 
tinct. It  is  probable  that  it  was  more  or  less  different  from  the 


VOL.  4]     Kroeber. — Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California.        321 

forms  of  religion  occurring  in  Southern  California,  that  is  to  say, 
the  southern  part  of  the  American  state  of  California.  Ethno- 
graphically  Southern  California  was  considerably  diversified. 
The  tribes  of  the  plains  and  mountains  near  the  sea  must  be  dis- 
tinguished on  the  one  hand  from  those  of  the  desert  interior  and 
of  the  valley  of  the  Colorado  river,  and  on  the  other  from  those 
of  the  Santa  Barbara  archipelago  and  the  adjacent  coast  of  the 
mainland  to  the  north.  The  latter  island  group  of  tribes  has 
become  entirely  extinct  without  leaving  more  than  the  merest 
trace  of  records  of  its  religion.  The  two  other  groups,  the  sea- 
ward and  the  interior,  apparently  presented  a  much  greater 
uniformity  in  religion  than  in  their  material  and  social  life,  so 
much  so  that  in  the  present  connection  all  the  tribes  of  Southern 
California  of  whom  anything  is  known  may  be  regarded  as  con- 
stituting a  single  ethnographic  province.  The  culture  of  the 
small  Northwestern  area  was  in  every  way,  and  that  of  the  larger 
Southern  province  at  least  in  some  respects,  more  highly  organ- 
ized and  complex  than  that  of  the  still  larger  and  principal 
Central  region,  which  comprised  at  least  two-thirds  of  the  state 
and  which,  if  such  a  selection  is  to  be  made,  must  be  considered 
as  the  most  typically  Californian. 

The  religious  practices  of  the  Indians  of  California  fall  into 
three  well  marked  divisions:  (1)  such  observances  as  are  fol- 
lowed and  executed  by  individuals,  although  their  perpetuation 
is  traditionary  and  tribal ;  that  is  to  say,  customary  observances ; 
(2)  individual  practices  resting  upon  a  direct  personal  commun- 
ication of  an  individual  with  the  supernatural  world;  in  other 
words,  shamanism;  (3)  observances  and  practices  which  are  not 
only  the  common  property  of  the  tribe  by  tradition,  but  in  which 
the  entire  tribe  or  community  directly  or  indirectly  participates ; 
in  other  words,  ceremonies. 

CUSTOMARY  OBSERVANCES  BY  INDIVIDUALS. 

Customary  observances  are  as  strongly  developed  as  farther 
north  along  the  Pacific  slope.  This  entire  western  coast  region 
thus  forms  a  unit  that  differs  from  the  interior  and  eastern  parts 
of  the  continent,  in  which  such  observances  are  usually  a  less 
conspicuous  feature  than  public  and  tribal  ceremonies.  By  far 


322  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

the  most  important  of  the  customary  observances  in  California 
are  those  relating  to  death.  Next  come  those  connected  with 
birth  and  sexual  functions.  Beliefs  and  practices  centering 
about  the  individual's  name  are  of  importance  particularly  in 
so  far  as  they  are  connected  with  the  customs  relating  to  death. 
There  are  restrictions  and  superstitions  as  to  food,  but  these  are 
not  more  numerous  than  seems  generally  to  have  been  the  case 
among  the  North  American  Indians,  and  certainly  of  much  less 
importance  than  in  the  Pacific  island  world  and  Australia. 

Death  was  considered  to  cause  defilement  and  almost  every- 
where brought  after  it  purification  ceremonies.  In  the  North- 
western region  these  were  particularly  important,  and  among 
such  tribes  as  the  Hupa  and  Yurok  the  observance  of  religious 
purification  from  contact  with  the  dead,  the  most  essential  part 
of  which  was  the  recitation  of  a  certain  formula,  was  the  most 
stringently  exacted  religious  custom.  The  method  of  disposing 
of  the  dead  varied  locally  between  burial  and  cremation,  crema- 
tion being  practiced  over  at  least  half  of  the  state.  Air  burial 
and  sea  burial  were  nowhere  found.  Mourning,  which  consisted 
primarily  of  singing  and  wailing,  began  immediately  upon  death 
and  continued  for  about  a  day,  sometimes  longer  by  the  imme- 
diate relatives  of  the  deceased.  Among  some  tribes  this  mourning 
commenced  with  full  vigor  some  time  before  impending  death, 
often  during  the  full  consciousness  of  the  patient  and  with  his 
approval.  Mutilations  on  the  part  of  the  mourners  were  not 
practiced  to  any  great  degree,  except  that  the  hair  was  almost 
universally  cut  more  or  less,  especially  by  the  women.  Among 
many  tribes  the  widow,  but  she  only,  cut  or  burned  off  all  her 
hair.  Mourning  observances  were  almost  always  carried  further 
by  the  women  than  men.  Among  some  tribes  of  the  Sierra  Ne- 
vada the  widow  did  not  speak  from  the  time  of  her  husband's 
death  until  the  following  annual  tribal  mourning  ceremony,  ex- 
cept to  one  attendant,  or,  in  cases  of  actual  necessity,  to  women 
only.  In  the  Sierra  Nevada  was  found  also  the  custom  of  the 
widow  smearing  her  face  and  breast  with  pitch,  which  was  not 
washed  or  removed  until  this  annual  ceremony.  Except  in  the 
case  of  the  Northwestern  tribes,  who  possessed  more  elaborately 
constructed  houses  of  wood,  the  house  in  which  a  death  had  oc- 


VOL.  4]     Kroeber. — Religion  of  tin  Indians  of  CaHforniu.         323 

curred  was  not  used  again,  but  was  burned.  Objects  that  had 
been  in  personal  contact  or  associated  with  the  deceased  were 
similarly  shunned  and  destroyed.  The  name  of  the  dead  was  not 
spoken.  Even  the  word  which  constituted  his  name  was  not  used 
in  ordinary  discourse,  a  circumlocution  or  newly  coined  word 
being  employed.  It  is  certain  that  this  stringently  observed 
custom  has  been  a  factor  in  the  marked  dialectic  differentiation 
of  the  languages  of  California.  The  mention  of  the  name  of  the 
dead,  whether  intentionally  or  accidentally,  in  some  cases  aroused 
feelings  of  fear  connected  with  his  spirit,  but  more  generally  was 
objected  to  as  causing  grief,  which  appears  to  have  been  actually 
and  often  intensely  felt  on  such  occasions.  In  Northwestern  Cali- 
fornia the  naming  of  the  dead  could  be  compensated  for  only  by 
the  payment  of  a  considerable  sum.  Practically  the  only  form 
of  curse  or  malediction  known,  other  than  an  occasional  indirect 
allusion  to  the  object  of  the  malediction  as  being  in  the  condition 
of  a  corpse,  was  a  reference  to  his  dead  relatives.  Some  prop- 
erty, but  more  rarely  food,  was  buried  with  the  dead.  The  idea 
that  such  articles  were  for  his  use  in  the  world  of  the  dead  was 
not  so  strong  a  motive  for  such  acts  as,  on  the  one  hand,  the 
feeling  that  the  objects  had  been  defiled  by  association  with  him, 
and  on  the  other,  the  desire  to  give  expression  to  the  sincerity  of 
the  mourning  by  the  destruction  of  valuables.  On  the  whole, 
however,  the  immediate  observances  of  death  paled  in  importance 
before  the  annual  communal  mourning  ceremony,  which  was 
everywhere,  except  in  the  Northwestern  region,  one  of  the  most 
deeply  rooted  and  spectacular  acts  of  worship. 

Observances  connected  with  sexual  functions,  including  birth, 
are  next  in  importance  after  those  relating  to  death.  The  mens- 
truating woman  was  everywhere  regarded  as  unclean,  and  ex- 
cluded especially  from  acts  of  worship.  Not  infrequent  was  the 
conception  that  she  contaminated  food,  especially  meat ;  in  other 
words  those  varieties  of  food  which  were  at  once  more  highly 
prized  and  at  the  same  time,  through  being  obtained  with  less 
regularity  and  only  through  special  and  skilled  exertions,  re- 
garded as  most  directly  under  the  control  and  influence  of  super- 
natural powers.  Among  many  tribes,  as  elsewhere  in  America 
and  other  continents,  she  was  excluded  from  the  living-house  as 


324  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

well  as  from  the  ceremonial  chamber,  and  confined  to  the  mens- 
trual hut.  As  elsewhere  in  North  America,  the  custom  in  this 
regard  however  varied  from  tribe  to  tribe,  the  menstrual  hut  not 
having  been  used  in  some  localities  even  in  purely  aboriginal 
times.  Not  only  was  seclusion,  as  a  means  of  preventing  contact 
and  association,  frequently  required  of  the  woman  for  the  pro- 
tection of  others,  but  her  refraining  from  all  but  the  most  neces- 
sary activity  was  sometimes  deemed  essential  for  her  own  good. 

All  these  observances  were  greatly  intensified  at  the  time  of 
a  girl's  first  menstruation,  a  condition  for  which  most  of  the 
languages  of  California  possess  a  distinctive  and  often  unan- 
alyzed  word.  The  girl  at  this  period  was  thought  to  be  possessed 
of  a  particular  degree  of  supernatural  power,  and  this  was  not 
always  regarded  as  entirely  defiling  or  malevolent.  Often,  how- 
ever, there  was  a  strong  feeling  of  the  power  of  evil  inherent  in 
her  condition.  Not  only  was  she  secluded  from  her  family  and 
the  community,  but  an  attempt  was  made  to  seclude  the  world 
from  her.  One  of  the  injunctions  most  strongly  laid  upon  her 
was  not  to  look  about  her.  She  kept  her  head  bowed  and  was 
forbidden  to  see  the  world  and  the  sun.  Some  tribes  covered  her 
with  a  blanket.  Many  of  the  customs  in  this  connection  re- 
sembled those  of  the  North  Pacific  Coast  most  strongly,  such  as 
the  prohibition  to  the  girl  to  touch  or  scratch  her  head  with  her 
hand,  a  special  implement  being  furnished  her  for  the  purpose. 
Sometimes  she  could  eat  only  when  fed  and  in  other  cases  fasted 
altogether.  Some  form  of  public  ceremony,  often  accompanied 
by  a  dance  and  sometimes  by  a  form  of  ordeal  for  the  girl,  was 
practiced  nearly  everywhere.  Such  ceremonies  were  well  devel- 
oped in  Southern  California,  where  a  number  of  actions  sym- 
bolical of  the  girl 's  maturity  and  subsequent  life  were  performed. 
Certain  tribes,  however,  including  at  least  one  in  the  North- 
western area  and  certain  of  those  in  the  Sierra  region,  did  not 
practice  public  ceremonies  of  this  type. 

Religious  customs  connected  with  birth  consisted  in  part  of 
observances  before  the  birth  of  the  child,  in  part  of  observances 
relating  to  it  after  birth,  and  especially  of  restrictions  imposed 
on  one  or  both  of  its  parents  after  birth.  Practices  affecting  the 
child  itself,  or  the  mother  before  its  birth,  related  in  great  part 


VOL.  4]     Kroebcr. — Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California.         325 

to  food.  In  the  Northwest  the  newly  born  child  was  fed  for  a 
number  of  days  only  on  a  soup  of  vegetable  substance  resembling 
milk.  The  newly  born  child  was  washed,  often  repeatedly,  among 
many  tribes.  The  mother  after  a  birth  was  regarded  as  more  or 
less  defiled,  though  this  feeling  usually  did  not  approach  in  in- 
tensity those  connected  with  either  death  or  the  woman's  period- 
ical functions.  Either  the  mother  or  both  father  and  mother 
were  usually  enjoined  from  activity  for  some  time  after  a  birth, 
the  motive  being  not  only  protection  of  the  child  but  of  them- 
selves. This  idea  is  especially  developed  among  the  Yokuts  of 
the  southern  San  Joaquin  valley.  The  couvade  in  its  strict  form, 
with  restrictions  and  observances  which  are  imposed  entirely 
upon  the  father  to  the  exclusion  of  the  mother,  does  not  seem  to 
be  found. 

Observances  regulating  or  restricting  the  use  of  food  were  in 
the  main  connected  with  the  customs  relating  to  death,  sexual 
functions,  and  birth.  That  is  to  say  it  was  primarily  the  persons 
affected  by  these  occurrences,  and  next  to  these  such  as  were 
cii,Lr;iged  in  acts  of  intense  worship  or  shamanistic  practices,  who 
were  prohibited  from  using  certain  or  all  foods.  As  already 
stated,  animal  food  rather  than  vegetable,  and  meat  rather  than 
fish,  and  among  meat  that  of  the  deer  and  elk,  the  largest  of  the 
game  animals,  were  particularly  subjected  to  restriction.  In 
Northwestern  California  the  idea  was  very  deeply  rooted  that 
the  deer  when  killed  and  eaten  are  not  destroyed,  but  come  to  life 
again  and  report  to  their  fellows  their  treatment  in  the  hands  of 
the  hunter.  Any  violation  of  the  numerous  stringent  observances 
regarding  deer  meat  are  therefore  known  to  all  the  deer,  who,  as 
their  capture  is  always  a  voluntary  act  on  their  part,  are  in  posi- 
tion to  utterly  destroy  his  luck  in  the  chase  if  not  placated  by 
certain  spoken  formulae.  In  Southern  California  young  people, 
or  in  some  cases  the  hunter  himself,  must  not  eat  his  game.  Fast- 
ing is  less  frequently  and  less  rigorously  practiced  by  the  Cali- 
fornia tribes  than  by  those  of  most  other  parts  of  North  America. 
This  is  in  keeping  with  the  generally  lower  pitch  of  intensity  of 
their  religious  feeling.  Many  public  ceremonies  are  not  accom- 
panied by  any  requirement  of  abstention  from  food.  In  the 
Northwestern  region  it  is  only  the  principal  priest,  in  whom  the 


326  University  of  California  Publications.  [An.  ARCH.  ETH. 

most  sacred  part  of  the  ceremony  is  vested,  who  fasts.  On  the 
other  hand  there  is  a  general  feeling  in  this  region  that  not  only 
acts  of  a  religious  nature  but  ordinary  work  cannot  be  well  per- 
formed after  eating.  Among  the  men  of  Northwestern  California 
breakfast  was  therefore  habitually  slight  or  entirely  omitted. 
Perhaps  the  greatest  development  of  the  practice  of  fasting  in 
North  America  occurs  in  connection  with  the  acquisition  of  sha- 
manistic  power.  Shamanism  is  fully  as  important  among  the 
California  Indians  as  elsewhere,  but  differs  in  that  it  is  more 
frequently  regarded  as  an  obsession,  something  that  of  its  own 
accord  comes  upon  a  man  rather  than  something  that  it  is  sought 
to  acquire  by  actions.  Much  of  the  incentive  for  fasting  among 
other  Indians  is  therefore  lacking,  and  when  the  practice  is 
observed  it  is  usually  less  rigorous.  In  Northwestern  California, 
for  instance,  a  person  engaged  in  almost  any  supernatural  or 
religious  practice  abstains  from  drinking  water;  but  as  to  prac- 
tical effect  this  provision  is  done  away  with  through  his  being 
allowed  to  drink  thin  acorn  soup  at  will. 

In  Northwestern  California  there  is  a  special  development  of 
spoken  formulae,  whose  content  is  little  else  than  a  myth  and 
which  constitute  not  only  the  basis  and  essential  element  of  public 
ceremonies  but  are  connected  with  almost  all  customary  observ- 
ances. To  such  an  extent  have  these  formulae,  locally  called 
"medicines,"  grown  into  the  mind  of  these  Indians  as  being 
what  is  most  sacred  and  most  efficacious  in  all  aspects  of  religion, 
that  they  partly  supplant  shamanism,  which  is  a  less  important 
feature  of  religious  life  here  than  elsewhere  in  the  state,  where 
the  characteristic  features  of  this  peculiar  ritual  by  formula  are 
almost  absent.  Not  only  purification  from  death  and  other  de- 
filement, but  luck  in  hunting  and  fishing,  in  gambling,  escape 
from  danger,  success  in  felling  trees  and  making  baskets,  in  the 
acquisition  of  wealth,  in  short  the  proper  achievement  of  every 
human  wish,  were  thought  to  be  accompanied  by  the  proper 
knowledge  and  recitation  of  these  traditional  myth-formulae, 
usually  accompanied  by  only  the  smallest  amount  of  ritualistic 
action. 


VOL.  4]     Kroeber. — Religion  of  tin  Indians  of  California.        327 

SHAMANISM. 

Shamanism,  the  supposed  individual  control  of  the  super- 
natural through  a  personally  acquired  power  of  communication 
with  the  spirit  world,  rests  upon  much  the  same  basis  in  Cali- 
fornia as  elsewhere  in  North  America.    In  general  among  uncivil- 
ized tribes  the  simpler  the  stage  of  culture  the  more  important 
the  shaman.    It  is  as  if  he  constituted  an  element  that  remained 
nearly  constant    in   quantity  of  effect,  as  it  is  fundamentally 
unvarying  in  form,  through  all  successive  periods  of  civilization 
to  the  highest :  but  that  as  increase  in  degree  of  civilization 
bnmylit  with  it  ever  more  and  more  new  elements,  religious  and 
otherwise,  and  these  unfolded  in  ever  expanding  complexity,  he 
became,  relatively  to  the  total  mass  of  thought  and  action  of 
a  people,  less  and  less  important.     Certainly  the  difference  is 
marked  between  the  Eskimo,  whose  religion  consists  of  little  else 
than  shamanism,  and  the  much  more  highly  organized  Indians 
of  the  North  Pacific  Coast,  where  shamanism  is  but  one  of  sev- 
eral and  by  no  means  the  most  important  religious  factor,  even 
though  it  may  be  the  most  deep  seated.     The  same  contrast  is 
found  between  the  rude  simple-minded  Indians  of  California  as 
compared  with  those  of  the  Plains  and  of  the  Southwest,  where 
the  supremacy  of  the  shaman  is  rather  obscured  by  that  of  the 
priest  conversant  with  a  ceremony.    Even  within  California  the 
difference  holds  good.    In  the  Northwest,  where  the  native  civil- 
ization reached  on  the  whole  its  greatest  complexity,  the  shaman 
is  less  prominent  than  anywhere  else  in  the  state.    In  the  south, 
where  the  culture  is  also  more  developed  than  in  the  Central  part 
of  the  state,  the  shaman  is  certainly  as  much  dreaded  as  there; 
but  that  his  province  is  more  restricted  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 
in  Southern  California  the  shamans  in  their  capacity  as  such  do 
not  seem  to  form  associations,  perform  public  ceremonies,  or 
directly  participate  in  the  tribal  dances. 

The  power  of  the  shaman  being  directly  dependent  upon  his 
personal  acquisition  of  a  connection  with  the  supernatural  world, 
an  understanding  of  the  method  by  which  this  acquisition  takes 
place  generally  furnishes  also  a  pretty  accurate  idea  of  the  nature 
of  his  functions  and  influence.  The  most  common  way  of  acquir- 


328  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

ing  shamanistic  power  in  California,  as  in  so  many  other  parts 
of  the  world,  is  by  dreaming.  A  spirit,  be  it  that  of  an  animal, 
a  place,  the  sun  or  another  natural  object,  a  deceased  relative, 
or  an  entirely  unimbodied  spirit,  visits  the  future  medicine-man 
in  his  dreams,  and  the  connection  thus  established  between  them 
is  the  source  and  basis  of  the  latter 's  power.  This  spirit  becomes 
his  guardian  spirit  or  ' '  personal. ' '  From  it  he  receives  the  song 
or  rite  or  knowledge  of  the  charm  and  the  understanding  which 
enable  him  to  cause  or  remove  disease  and  to  do  and  endure  what 
other  men  cannot.  In  California,  with  a  few  special  exceptions, 
the  idea  does  not  seem  so  prevalent  as  elsewhere  that  this  guard- 
ian spirit  is  an  animal.  Occasionally  it  is  the  ghost  of  a  person 
who  has  once  lived,  usually  a  relative.  Perhaps  most  frequently 
it  is  merely  a  spirit  as  such,  not  connected  with  any  tangible 
embodiment  or  form,  either  human,  animate,  or  inanimate.  The 
belief  that  the  shaman  acquires  the  spirits  most  frequently  in 
dreaming  is  prevalent  through  the  whole  Sierra  Nevada  region 
and  in  many  other  parts  of  the  state. 

In  certain  regions  another  important  method,  that  of  the 
waking  vision  and  trance,  is  recognized.  The  person  is  in  a  wild 
desolate  place,  perhaps  hunting.  Suddenly  there  is  an  appear- 
ance before  him.  He  becomes  unconscious  and  while  in  this  state 
receives  his  supernatural  power.  On  his  return  to  his  people  he 
is  for  a  time  demented  or  physically  affected.  After  he  again 
becomes  normal  he  has  control  of  his  supernatural  influences. 
Such  beliefs  prevail  in  part  among  the  Yuki  and  Athabascans  of 
the  Coast  Range  and  the  Maidu  of  the  Sacramento  valley,  and 
no  doubt  occur  more  or  less  sporadically  in  other  regions. 

Finally,  the  shaman  sometimes  acquires  his  powers  through 
seeking  for  them  rather  than  by  having  them  thrust  upon  him 
during  a  dream  or  vision.  This  of  course  is  a  common  procedure 
in  the  Plains  and  in  part  on  the  North  Pacific  Coast.  Among 
the  Yurok  of  the  lower  Klamath,  for  instance,  the  person  whom 
the  spirits  have  visited  in  dreams,  ascends  high  peaks  where  he 
spends  one  or  more  nights  until  he  has  acquired  his  powers. 
Among  the  Wiyot  of  Humboldt  Bay  there  are  similar  beliefs. 
In  the  same  Northwestern  region  a  man  who  wishes  to  be  fierce, 
strong,  and  invulnerable  swims  at  night  in  lakes  inhabited  by 


VOL.  4]     Kroeber. — Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California.         329 

monsters  or  thunders.  From  these,  if  his  courage  is  sufficient  to 
await  and  endure  their  presence,  he  receives  the  desired  powers. 
This  practice  of  bathing  in  lonely  lakes  closely  recalls  the  custom 
prevalent  along:  the  Pacific  slope  for  some  distance  northward, 
and  within  California  it  is  probably  not  strictly  confined  to  the 
Northwestern  culture  area.  On  the  whole,  however,  this  delib- 
erate method  of  acquiring  shamanistic  power  is  not  common,  nor, 
as  has  already  been  stated,  would  it  be  in  accord  with  the  gen- 
erally lower  intensity  of  religious  feeling  among  the  California 
Indians  as  compared  with  those  of  most  other  parts  of  the  con- 
tinent. 

The  Northwestern  area  is  not  only  exceptional  in  being  the 
principal  one  within  the  state  where  this  deliberate  seeking  of 
shamanistic  power  is  prevalent.  The  conception  of  a  guardian 
spirit  is  much  less  clearly  defined  among  the  Northwestern  tribes, 
with  whom  the  possession  of  "pains,"  the  small  material  objects 
wh'u-h  cause  disease,  rather  than  of  true  spirits,  seems  to  be  what 
is  generally  associated  with  shamanistic  power.  As  already 
stated,  shamanism  forms  a  much  less  important  part  of  religion 
as  a  whole  in  the  Northwestern  area  than  elsewhere,  and  it  is  in 
accord  with  this  fact  that  the  majority  of  the  shamans,  and  those 
supposed  to  be  most  powerful,  are  women. 

In  parts  of  Southern  California  also  the  idea  of  the  guardian 
spirit  does  not  seem  to  be  well  developed.  Here  the  method  of 
acquiring  shamanistic  power  is  almost  exclusively  by  dreams; 
but  among  the  Mohave  and  probably  other  Colorado  river  tribes, 
myths,  and  not  a  personal  meeting  or  communion  with  an  indi- 
vidual spirit,  constitute  the  subject  of  the  dreams.  The  Mohave 
shamans  believe  that  they  were  present  at  the  beginning  of  the 
world,  before  mankind  had  separated  into  tribes.  They  were 
with  the  great  leader  and  almost  creator,  Mastamho.  They  saw 
him  singing,  blowing,  and  rubbing  over  the  body  of  a  sick  man. 
if  their  own  power  be  that  of  curing  disease,  and  from  Mastamho 
they  thus  learned  the  actions  and  speeches  which  constitute  their 
power.  Before  him  they  showed  what  they  had  learned  from 
him,  and  by  him  were  designated  those  who  had  seen  and  learned 
most  and  those  of  less  pow?er.  Each  man  saw  only  the  shaman- 
istic actions  relating  to  his  particular  power,  whether  these  had 


330  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

reference  to  the  curing  of  disease,  to  love,  to  war,  or  to  some 
other  activity.  The  Mohave  universally  speak  of  having  dreamed 
these  scenes,  just  as  each  narrator  affirms  his  knowledge  of  non- 
shamanistic  myths  and  of  ceremonies  to  have  been  individually 
derived  from  dreaming  them.  It  is  probable  that  to  a  certain 
extent  this  is  true.  That  it  is  not  entirely  true  becomes  evident 
when  the  Mohave  with  equal  unanimity  state  that  these  dreams 
were  dreamed  by  them  before  birth.  In  other  words,  their  state- 
ment that  they  have  dreamed  such  experiences  is  to  be  inter- 
preted mainly  as  a  belief  that  they  as  individuals  were  present 
in  spirit  form  at  the  beginning  of  the  world,  at  the  time  when 
it  took  shape  and  everything  was  ordained,  and  when  all  power, 
shamanistic  and  otherwise,  was  established  and  allotted.  It  is 
obvious  that  with  this  conception  as  the  basis  of  their  whole  re- 
ligion, there  is  but  little  room  for  any  beliefs  as  to  guardian 
spirits  of  the  usual  form. 

Of  course  there  is  nothing  that  limits  the  shaman  to  one  spirit, 
and  among  many  or  most  tribes,  such  as  the  Maidu,  a  powerful 
medicine-man  may  possess  a  great  number. 

Frequently  in  Central  and  Northwestern  California  there  is 
some  more  or  less  public  ceremony  at  which  a  new  shaman  is,  so 
to  speak,  initiated  before  he  practices  his  powers.  The  body  of 
initiated  shamans  do  not  form  a  definite  society  or  association. 
The  ceremony  is  rather  an  occasion  that  marks  the  first  public 
appearance  of  the  novice,  in  which  he  receives  for  his  own  good, 
and  presumably  for  that  of  the  community  also,  the  assistance  of 
the  more  experienced  persons  of  his  profession.  Commonly  it  is 
thought  that  the  novice  cannot  receive  and  exercise  the  full  use 
of  his  powers  without  this  assistance.  The  ceremony  is  usually 
held  in  the  ceremonial  chamber  and  is  accompanied  by  dancing. 
The  efforts  of  the  older  shamans  are  directed  toward  giving  the 
initiate  a  firm  and  permanent  control  of  the  spirits  which  have 
only  half  attached  themselves  to  him  and  which  are  thought  to 
be  still  more  or  less  rebellious.  Of  course  exhibitions  of  magic 
and  of  the  physical  effects  of  the  presence  of  the  spirits  are  a 
prominent  feature  of  these  ceremonies.  This  initiation  of  doctors 
is  found  among  the  Northwestern  tribes  and  in  the  Central  region 
among  the  Maidu  and  Wintun  and  probably  other  groups. 


VOL.  4]     Kroeber. — Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California.        331 

A  special  class  of  shamans  found  to  a  greater  or  less  extent 
among  probably  all  the  Central  tribes,  though  they  are  wanting 
both  in  the  Northwest  and  the  South,  are  the  so-called  bear  doc- 
tors, sh;ii!i;i!is  \vlio  liave  received  power  from  grizzly  bears,  often 
by  being  taken  into  the  abode  of  these  animals — which  appear 
there  in  liuinnn  t'onn, — and  who  after  their  return  to  mankind 
possess  many  of  the  qualities  of  the  grizzly  bear,  especially  his 
apparent  invulnerability  to  fatal  attack.  The  bear  shamans  can 
not  only  assume  the  form  of  bears,  as  they  do  in  order  to  inflict 
vengeance  on  their  enemies,  but  it  is  believed  that  they  can  be 
killed  an  indefinite  number  of  times  when  in  this  form  and  each 
time  return  to  life.  In  some  regions,  as  among  the  Porno  and 
Yuki,  the  bear  shaman  was  not  thought  as  elsewhere  to  actually 
become  a  bear,  but  to  remain  a  man  who  clothed  himself  in  the 
skin  of  a  bear  to  his  complete  disguisement,  and  by  his  malevo- 
lence, rapidity,  fierceness,  and  resistance  to  wounds  to  be  capable 
of  inflicting  greater  injury  than  a  true  bear.  Whether  any  bear 
sh;)in;ms  ;irtu;illy  attempted  to  disguise  themselves  in  this  way 
to  accomplish  their  ends  is  doubtful.  It  is  certain  that  all  the 
members  of  some  tribes  believed  it  to  be  in  their  power. 

The  rattlesnake  doctor,  who  cured  or  prevented  the  bite  of 
the  rattlesnake,  was  usually  distinct  from  other  medicine-men. 
Among  the  Yuki  his  power,  as  that  of  the  rattlesnake,  was  asso- 
ciated with  the  sun ;  among  the  Maidu  with  the  thunder.  Among 
the  Yokuts  the  rattlesnake  shamans  annually  held  a  public  cere- 
mony designed  to  prevent  rattlesnake  bites  among  the  tribe.  On 
this  occasion  they  displayed  their  power  over  the  snakes  by  hand- 
ling them  in  a  manner  analogous  to  that  of  the  Hopi,  and  by  even 
allowing  themselves  to  be  bitten. 

As  everywhere  else,  the  practice  of  shamanism  in  California 
centers  about  disease  and  death.  It  is  probably  more  narrowly 
limited  to  this  phase  than  in  most  other  portions  of  North 
America.  Being  an  essentially  unwarlike  even  though  a  revenge- 
ful people,  it  is  natural  that  the  supernatural  power  person ;i  11  y 
acquired  by  the  California  Indian  should  not  often  be  directed 
toward  success  in  battle.  Success  in  love  is  also 'less  often  the 
result  of  such  personal  power  than  for  instance  on  the  Plains, 


332  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

perhaps  because  in  the  latter  region  the  custom  which  made  vir- 
tually every  young  man  seek  shamanistic  power,  resulted  in  a 
condition  where  those  whose  proclivities  were  not  toward  medi- 
cine or  war,  desired  and  received  their  powers  in  this  direction. 
Influence  over  game  and  over  nature's  yield  of  vegetable  pro- 
ducts was  sometimes  attributed  to  shamans  in  California,  but  on 
the  whole  their  powers  in  this  respect  were  not  very  much  in- 
sisted upon  except  in  Southern  California,  favorable  or  adverse 
conditions  of  this  kind  being  attributed  rather  to  the  tribal  cere- 
monies, and  in  the  Northwest  connected  with  the  all-important 
formulae.  The  causing  and  prevention  of  disease  and  death 
were  therefore  even  more  largely  the  predominant  functions  of 
the  person  who  had  acquired  personal  supernatural  power  in 
California  than  elsewhere  in  America. 

That  the  medicine-men  who  could  cure  diseases  were  also  the 
ones  who  must  cause  it,  unless  it  were  the  direct  consequence  of 
an  infraction  of  some  religious  observance  or  prohibition,  was 
the  almost  universal  belief,  which  was  probably  adhered  to  with 
greater  definiteness  than  in  most  portions  of  North  America. 
The  killing  of  medicine-men  was  therefore  of  frequent  occur- 
rence. Among  some  tribes,  as  the  Yokuts,  the  medicine-man  who 
had  lost  several  patients  was  held  responsible  for  their  death  by 
their  relatives.  Among  the  Mohave  also  murder  seems  to  have 
been  the  normal  end  of  the  medicine-man.  In  the  Northwestern 
region  the  shaman  who  failed  to  cure  was  forced  to  return  the 
fee  received  in  advance.  If  he  refused  to  attend  a  patient  when 
summoned,  he  was  compelled  to  pay,  in  the  event  of  the  latter 's 
death,  an  amount  of  property  equal  that  proffered  him  for  his 
services.  So  completely  was  the  shaman  regarded  as  the  cause 
of  disease  and  death,  as  well  as  of  their  prevention,  that  one  hears 
very  little  among  the  California  Indians  of  witchcraft,  that  is  to 
say,  of  malevolent  practices  performed  by  persons,  often  very  old 
or  very  young  people,  who  are  not  believed  to  be  endowed  with 
the  shaman 's  power  of  curing. 

Disease,  as  among  most  primitive  peoples  the  world  over,  was 
usually  held  to  be  caused  by  small  material  objects  which  had  in 
a  supernatural  way  been  caused  to  enter  the  body.  The  deter- 
mination and  extraction  of  these  was  the  principal  office  of  the 


VOL.  4]     Kroeber. — Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California.         333 

medicine-man  and,  also  as  elsewhere,  was  most  frequently  accom- 
plished by  sucking.  In  certain  regions,  especially  the  South,  the 
tubular  pipe  was  brought  into  requisition  for  this  purpose,  the 
disease-object  being  supposed  to  be  sucked  into  the  doctor's 
mouth  through  it.  Among  such  tribes  the  pipe  was  also  smoked 
by  the  medicine-man  as  part  of  his  ritual.  In  other  cases  the 
sucking  was  performed  directly  with  the  mouth,  but,  just  as  the 
disease-causing  object  had  by  supernatural  means  entered  the 
body  without  causing  or  leaving  an  opening,  so  it  was  extracted 
by  the  medicine-man  without  an  incision  or  a  trace  of  its  passage. 
This  object  might  be  a  bit  of  hair,  a  stick,  an  insect  or  small  rep- 
tile, a  piece  of  bone,  deer  sinew,  or  almost  any  other  material. 
In  the  greater  part  of  northern  California,  including  the  North- 
western region,  it  was  not  an  ordinary  physical  object  working 
mischief  by  its  mere  presence  in  the  body  or  by  the  supernatural 
properties  with  which  the  shaman  or  his  spirits  had  endowed  it, 
but  an  object  itself  supernatural  and  called  a  "pain."  These 
pains  are  variously  described,  frequently  as  being  sharp  at  both 
ends  and  clear  as  ice.  They  possessed  the  power  of  moving  even 
after  extracted,  and  were  able  to  fly  through  the  air  to  the  in- 
tended victim  at  the  command  of  the  person  who  had  sent  them. 
The  medicine-man  after  extracting  the  disease-object  or  pain 
almost  always  exhibited  it.  It  was  then  either  destroyed  by  him 
or  kept  by  him  for  his  own  use.  In  Northwestern  California  he 
sometimes  swallowed  it,  the  degree  of  his  power  being  thought 
to  be  dependent  upon  the  number  of  pains  he  kept  in  his  body, 
both  those  which  he  received  upon  his  becoming  a  shaman,  when 
they  were  "cooked"  before  a  great  fire  in  the  doctor-initiation 
dance,  and  those  which  he  subsequently  secured  in  doctoring  his 
patients.  The  rattlesnake 's  bite  was  regarded  as  being  dangerous 
on  account  of  its  injection  into  the  victim's  body  of  a  material 
animate  object,  which  the  rattlesnake  shaman  must  extract  if 
death  was  not  to  ensue.  Among  the  Yuki  this  object  was  a  small 
snake;  among  the  Yokuts  a  rodent's  tooth  or  other  object  sup- 
posed to  have  formed  part  of  the  animals  upon  which  the  snake 
subsisted.  In  some  cases  two  classes  of  medicine-men  were 
distinguished,  one  diagnosing,  the  other  treating  the  patient. 
Among  the  Wiyot  or  Wishosk  the  former  by  dancing  before  the 


334  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

patient  saw  in  a  vision  the  nature  and  location  of  the  disease- 
object  and  determined  what  had  caused  it  to  enter  the  body. 
Somewhat  similar  though  varying  distinctions  between  shamans 
whose  power  consists  of  knowledge,  and  those  who  have  practical 
capacity  as  well,  occurred  among  other  tribes.  Sucking  is  not 
always  resorted  to.  The  Mohave  principally  blow  or  spit  over 
their  patients  and  stroke  or  rub  or  knead  their  bodies,  which 
actions  are  supposed  by  them  to  drive  out  the  disease.  Medicines 
and  drugs  are  but  little  used,  or  if  so,  in  a  manner  that  gives  no 
opportunity  for  their  physiological  efficacy.  Four  or  five  drops 
— the  number  varying  according  to  the  ceremonial  number  of  the 
tribe — of  a  weak  decoction  may  be  given  to  the  patient  or  even 
only  applied  to  him  externally.  It  is  natural  that  where  the 
magic  effect  of  the  drug  as  used  in  a  certain  ritual  is  believed  in, 
the  quantity  so  used  is  not  an  essential  consideration.  It  is  the 
supernatural  qualities  connected  with  the  plant  that  bring  about 
the  desired  result,  and  these  are  as  inherent  in  a  drop  placed 
upon  the  forehead  as  in  a  basketful  taken  internally.  Perhaps 
the  most-used  medicinal  plant  throughout  the  state  is  the  angelica 
root,  probably  principally  on  account  of  its  fragrance.  Tobacco 
is  considerably  employed  by  shamans,  but  is  of  equal  importance 
in  other  aspects  of  religion. 

PUBLIC  CEREMONIES. 

After  the  exclusion  of  such  public  observances  as  the  shaman 
initiation,  menstrual  dance,  and  victory  celebration,  which,  while 
generally  participated  in,  are  performed  primarily  for  the  benefit 
of  individuals,  the  ceremonies  of  the  California  Indians  which 
are  of  a  really  public  or  communal  purpose  and  character  fall 
into  three  classes:  (1)  mourning  ceremonies;  (2)  initiation  cere- 
monies connected  with  a  secret  society;  and  (3)  a  more  varied 
group  of  dances  and  other  observances  which  all,  however,  have 
in  common  the  benefit  either  of  the  community  or  of  the  world  at 
large,  in  that  they  cause  a  good  crop  of  acorns  and  natural  pro- 
ducts, make  the  avoidance  of  rattlesnake  bites  possible,  or  prevent 
the  occurrence  of  disease,  earthquake,  flood,  and  other  calamities. 

Of  these  three  classes  of  ceremonies  the  mourning  ceremonies 


VOL.  4]     Kroeber. — Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California.         335 

are  at  least  as  important  as  the  others  and  by  far  the  most 
distinctive  of  the  state  as  an  ethnographic  province,  although 
neither  they  nor  the  secret  society  are  found  in  the  specialized 
Northwestern  area.  The  mourning  ceremonies  further  do  not 
occur  among  the  Athabascan,  Yuki,  and  Porno  tribes  to  the  south 
of  the  Northwestern  tribes  as  far  as  the  bay  of  San  Francisco; 
but  outside  of  this  strip  in  the  northern  coast  region  they  are 
universal  in  the  state.  Among  the  Maidu  they  are  usually  known 

burning,"  among  the  Miwok  as  "cry."  Among  the  Yokuts 
they  have  been  called  ' '  dance  of  the  dead, ' '  and  among  the  Mo- 
have  and  Yuma  "annual."  These  ceremonies  are  usually  par- 
ticipated in  by  a  number  of  visiting  communities  or  villages. 
They  last  for  one  or  more  nights,  during  which  crying  and 
\\jiiliiiL1,  sometimes  accompanied  by  singing  and  exhortation,  are 
indulged  in,  and  find  their  climax  in  a  great  destruction  of  prop- 
erty. While  those  who  have  recently  lost  relatives  naturally  take 
a  prominent  part,  the  ceremony  as  a  whole  is  not  a  personal  but 
a  tribal  one.  Among  the  Yokuts  and  probably  other  groups  it  is 
immediately  followed  by  a  dance  of  a  festive  nature,  and  usually 
there  is  a  definitely  expressed  idea  that  this  general  ceremony 
puts  an  end  to  all  individual  mourning  among  the  participants. 
A  typical  form  of  the  mourning  ceremony  is  found  among  the 
Mjiidu,  who  call  it  ostu.  Each  village  or  political  unit  possesses 
its  burning  ground.  Participation  in  the  ceremony  is  effected  by 
receipt  of  a  membership-string  or  necklace,  both  the  receipt  and 
return  of  which  are  marked  by  payments  or  presents.  The  cere- 
mony is  held  in  autumn  in  a  circular  brush  enclosure.  Property 
to  be  destroyed  is  tied  to  poles  which  are  erected  on  the  ground. 
After  an  opening  exhortation  by  the  chief  or  shaman  in  charge 
of  the  ceremony,  the  wailing  begins,  to  continue  throughout  the 
night,  many  exclamations  to  the  dead  being  uttered.  Toward 
morning  the  numerous  articles  displayed  on  the  poles  are  taken 
down  and  burned.  When  everything  has  been  destroyed  the 

ibly  breaks  up  for  gambling  and  feasting.  The  purpose  of 
the  ceremony  is  to  supply  the  ghosts  of  the  dead  with  clothing, 
property,  and  food.  Although  its  general  tenor  is  communal, 
each  family  offers  only  to  its  own  relatives.  In  some  cases  elab- 
orate images  of  stuffed  skins  ornamented  with  dancing  apparel 


336  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

are  made  to  represent  important  people  who  have  died.     These 
are  burned  with  the  property  offered  to  the  dead. 

Initiation  ceremonies  which  result  in  something  analogous  to 
a  secret  society  are  found  in  the  whole  state  except  in  the  North- 
western region  and  among  the  agricultural  tribes  at  the  extreme 
southeast  in  the  Colorado  valley.  They  are  apparently  as  well 
developed  among  the  Yuki  and  Porno,  who  do  not  practice  tribal 
mourning  ceremonies,  as  among  their  neighbors  who  do.  In  a 
strict  sense  there  is  no  secret  society,  even  though  the  precepts 
taught  boys  at  initiation  are  not  made  public.  There  are  usually 
no  paraphernalia  or  insignia  of  a  society,  no  degrees  or  ranks,  no 
membership  or  other  organization,  nor  is  there  a  definite  purpose 
for  the  society.  The  great  majority  of  the  males  of  the  tribes 
are  made  to  undergo  the  initiation,  and  in  many  cases  there  is  a 
distinct  desire  to  force  it  upon  every  man,  whether  he  be  willing 
or  unwilling.  In  so  far  as  a  society  may  therefore  be  said  to 
exist  at  all,  its  principal  purpose  and  public  function  are  the 
initiation  of  new  members.  There  is  however  often  a  special 
name  for  those  wrho  have  been  initiated,  such  as  yeponi  among 
the  Maidu  and  pumal  among  the  Luisefio,  and  to  a  certain  extent 
the  initiates  are  regarded  as  a  class  or  council  having  a  more  or 
less  indefinite  decision  over  religious  matters  affecting  the  com- 
munity. The  precepts  imparted  to  the  initiates,  other  than  the 
ritualistic  knowledge  relating  to  the  initiation  ceremony  itself, 
seems  to  be  of  the  most  general  kind  and  pertains  principally  to 
daily  life  and  the  most  obvious  maxims  of  native  morality.  In 
some  ways  this  initiation  is  a  puberty  ceremony  for  boys  corre- 
sponding to  the  first-menstruation-ceremony  of  girls.  The  initi- 
ates are  however  not  limited  as  to  age,  men  being  sometimes 
included.  Among  at  least  the  Yokuts  in  Central  California  and 
the  Mission  Indians  of  Southern  California  the  initiation  was 
accompanied  by  the  drinking  of  toloache  or  jimson-weed,  datura 
meteloides,  the  stupor  and  visions  produced  by  which  were  re- 
garded as  supernatural.  In  Southern  California  the  idea  of  an 
ordeal  and  instruction  was  specially  developed.  Boys  were  made 
to  undergo  severe  tests  of  pain  and  endurance  and  were  given 
numerous  injunctions  regarding  their  adult  life.  Among  the 
Maidu  of  the  Sacramento  valley  instruction  both  in  the  myths 


VOL.  4]     Kroeber. — Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California.        337 

of  the  tribe  and  in  the  more  important  ceremonies  was  imparted. 
Among  certain  of  the  Maidu  the  secret  society,  in  so  far  as  it 
comprises  the  more  adult  men,  is  difficult  to  distinguish  from  an 
association  of  shamans. 

The  public  ceremonies  other  than  mourning  and  initiation 
observances,  in  other  words  the  Jribal  dances  of  California,  differ 
thoroughly  in  the  three  culture  regions,  which  must  therefore  be 
considered  separately. 

In  Central  California  these  dances,  like  the  initiation  cere- 
monies, have  disappeared  to  a  much  greater  extent  than  the 
mourning  ceremonies,  and  where  they  survive  have  often  been 
more  or  less  influenced  by  modern  ideas.  As  a  rule  they  were 
held  in  the  large  assembly  or  ceremonial  chamber,  more  often  at 
night  than  during  the  day,  and  either  lasted  for  a  number  of 
nights  or  consisted  of  a  series  of  successive  dances  extending  over 
a  considerable  period.  Some  of  the  dances,  though  a  minority, 
were  named  after  animals,  and  in  such  there  was  usually  some 
imitation  of  the  actions  of  animals.  Sometimes  rude  parapher- 
nalia were  used  to  represent  the  animal  itself,  but  this  was  not 
very  common  and  masks  were  never  employed.  At  least  in  the 
Sacramento  valley  and  northern  Coast  Range  region  there  was 
some  impersonation  of  mythical  characters,  as  of  Taikomol,  crea- 
tor among  the  Yuki,  and  of  the  mythical  being  Kuksu  among  the 
Porno  and  Maidu.  Such  impersonators  usually  wore  either  the 
"big  head,"  an  enormous  head-dress  of  feathers  attached  to 
radiating  sticks,  or  a  large  cape  of  feathers  fastened  to  a  network, 
which  concealed  both  body  and  face,  or  both  pieces  of  apparel. 
There  seems  to  have  been  nothing  corresponding  to  an  altar. 
The  dancers  were  painted  but  crudely,  and  such  symbolism  as 
was  denoted  by  the  painting  was  of  the  simplest.  One  or  more 
of  the  posts  that  supported  the  roof  of  the  assembly  chamber 
were  usually  of  ceremonial  importance.  The  dancers  frequently 
entered  and  left  the  house  by  a  hole  above  instead  of  the  door  at 
the  ground.  A  rude  drum  consisting  of  a  hollow  slab  placed  on 
the  ground  and  stamped  with  the  feet  was  often  used.  An  im- 
portant character  in  most  ceremonies  was  the  clown  or  buffoon, 
part  of  whose  duties  was  to  caricature  the  more  serious  perform- 
ance. In  some  cases  shamanistic  exhibitions  of  magic  were  in- 


338  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

eluded  in  the  ceremony.  At  times  an  exchange  or  compulsory 
giving  of  property  formed  part  of  the  ceremony.  The  partici- 
pants were  rarely  if  ever  called  upon  to  undergo  severe  trials  of 
endurance,  pain,  or  courage,  as  among  so  many  other  Indians. 
The  whole  ritual  was  comparatively  simple. 

The  exact  nature  and  relation  of  the  various  dances  are  very 
little  known  among  most  of  the  tribes  of  the  Central  region. 
Probably  a  typical  example  of  these  dances  is  furnished  by  the 
Maidu  of  the  Sacramento  valley,  who  declare  that  their  cere- 
monies were  obtained  from  their  neighbors,  the  Wintun.  This 
statement  is  borne  out  by  indirect  evidence.  Among  the  Maidu 
the  ceremonies  were  performed  in  winter  and  constituted  a  series 
of  fifteen  or  more  distinct  dances,  coming  for  the  most  part  in  a 
definite  order.  So  far  as  known  they  were  the  following :  Hesi, 
Luyi,  Loli,  Salalu-ngkasi,  Duck,  Bear,  Coyote,  Creeper,  Turtle, 
Aloli-ngkasi,  Yokola-ngkasi,  Moloko-ngkasi,  Deer,  Aid,  Hesi. 
The  majority  of  these  dances  were  performed  by  men,  but  some 
by  women  only.  There  is  no  evidence  that  participation  in  these 
dances  was  dependent  upon  anything  like  membership  in  an 
association.  Each  had  its  characteristic  paraphernalia  or  combi- 
nations of  paraphernalia.  In  several  there  are  participants  with 
special  apparel  and  with  a  distinctive  name.  At  least  some  of 
these  seem  to  represent  mythical  characters.  In  several  instances 
these  performers  enact  ceremonial  operations,  largely  in  the 
nature  of  complex  approaches  and  departures  which  take  place 
outside  the  assembly  chamber.  The  names  of  several  of  these 
ceremonies  occur  also  among  neighboring  Indians  speaking  en- 
tirely different  languages,  and  thus  give  proof  of  the  transmission 
of  the  ceremonies  from  one  locality  to  another.  The  Hesi,  the 
v  most  important  of  the  Maidu  series,  is  danced  also  by  the  Wintun. 
The  Loli  is  an  important  ceremony  among  the  Maidu,  Miwok, 
and  Porno.  The  performer  called  Kuksu,  who  refers  to  impor- 
tant myths,  is  found  among  the  Maidu,  Wintun,  Porno,  and  either 
the  Miwok  or  Costanoan  Indians  formerly  at  Mission  San  Jose. 
There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  a  fuller  acquaintance  with 
the  tribes  whose  ceremonies  are  as  yet  least  known  will  reveal 
other  instances  of  ceremonies  held  in  common  and  known  under 
the  same  name.  Farther  to  the  south,  among  the  Yokuts  of  the 


VOL.  4]     Kroeber. — Religion  of  tJie  Indians  of  California.         339 

Tul  a  re  basin,  these  ceremonies  do  not  seem  to  have  penetrated. 
Here  the  majority  of  the  public  ceremonies,  like  the  rattlesnake 
ceremony  that  has  been  mentioned,  were  of  the  nature  of  sha- 
niiiuistic  performances.  Throughout  the  Central  region  the 
dances,  while  they  might  be  held  only  in  structures  of  certain 
kinds,  were  never  rigorously  attached  to  a  specific  locality. 

In  Northwestern  California  the  more  important  ceremonies 
can  always  be  held  only  at  certain  spots,  and  the  performance  of 
ceremonies  of  the  same  name  always  varies  somewhat  at  different 
places.  The  performers  do  not  represent  mythological  or  other 
characters  and  do  not  imitate  animals.  The  more  important 
dances  last  at  least  a  number  of  days,  not  infrequently  as  many 
as  ten.  The  dances  are  held  either  out-doors  or  in  certain  sacred 
houses,  which  are  however  not  different  from  the  ordinary  living- 
house  of  the  region  except  through  their  traditionary  and  cere- 
monial associations.  The  essential  religious  portion  of  the  cere- 
mony consists  of  the  actions  gone  through  by  a  priest,  with 
sometimes  one  or  two  assistants.  The  more  important  part  of 
his  procedure  is  the  recital  of  one  of  the  sacred  formulae  so 
characteristic  of  the  region.  This  formula  relates  specifically  to 
the  exact  locality  at  which  the  dance  is  held,  and  therefore  often 
varies  considerably  from  spot  to  spot.  The  formula  is  regarded 
as  it  were  as  private  property,  and  its  knowledge  is  sufficient  to 
institute  the  priest  in  his  capacity.  The  public  portions  of  the 
ceremony,  such  as  the  dancing,  are  practically  dissociated  from 
this  purely  religious  element.  The  dancers  are  mostly  young 
men  without  any  knowledge  of  the  ceremony  other  than  of  the 
simple  dance-step  and  songs.  The  paraphernalia  which  they 
wear  belong  neither  to  them  nor  to  the  priests,  but  to  wealthy 
men  of  the  tribe,  for  whom  the  occasion  is  an  all-important 
opportunity  for  the  display  of  their  wealth,  which  consists  in 
large  part  of  the  dancing  regalia,  and  the  possession  of  which  is 
the  chief  factor  toward  their  social  prominence.  The  dancers 
appear  in  from  two  to  five  parties,  representing  neighboring  vil- 
lages, each  of  which  is  aided  by  the  wealthy  men  of  other  villages ; 
and  these  parties  vie  with  each  other  primarily  in  the  display  of 
their  regalia.  The  most  important  ceremonies  are  the  Deerskin 
dance  and  the  Jumping  dance,  which  are  held  either  annually  or 


340  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

biennially,  the  former  always  out-doors,  the  latter  at  some  places 
out-doors,  sometimes  in  boats,  at  others  in-doors.  The  purpose  of 
both  dances,  which  where  both  are  practiced  are  usually  given  in 
close  succession,  is  the  good  of  the  world.  Earthquake  and  dis- 
ease are  prevented  and  a  food  supply  insured.  Very  little  of 
the  sacred  formulae  and  accompanying  ritual,  and  nothing  in  the 
remainder  of  the  dance,  has  however  any  specific  reference  to 
this  purpose.  A  third,  minor  ceremony,  the  Brush  dance,  com- 
pletes the  series  of  public  ceremonies  in  this  region,  the  remaining 
dances  being  held  only  on  occasion  of  war,  a  girl's  puberty,  or 
the  initiation  of  a  shaman.  Even  the  Brush  dance  is  not  fully 
of  a  tribal  character,  inasmuch  as  it  is  performed  for  the  benefit 
of  a  single  individual,  a  sick  child,  although  it  is  participated  in 
by  an  entire  village  with  the  assistance  of  visitors  from  others, 
and  though  there  seems  to  be  a  desire  to  perform  the  ceremony 
at  least  once  a  year  in  each  of  the  larger  villages. 

In  Southern  California  mourning  ceremonies  are  everywhere 
the  most  prominent.  In  the  coast  region,  among  the  various 
groups  of  Mission  Indians,  initiation  ceremonies  make  up  most 
of  the  public  rituals  that  are  not  connected  with  mourning.  In 
the  interior  the  Mohave  possess  no  initiation  ceremonies.  In  both 
regions  such  ceremonies  as  partake  neither  of  the  nature  of 
mourning  nor  initiation  are  conspicuous  by  the  prominence  of 
the  myth  element.  They  consist  essentially  of  long  series  of 
songs,  occupying  one  or  more  nights  in  the  recital,  which  recount, 
in  part  directly  but  more  often  by  allusion,  an  important  myth. 
At  times  the  myth  is  actually  related  in  the  intervals  between 
the  songs.  In  some  cases  dancing  by  men  or  women  accompanies 
the  singing,  but  this  is  never  spectacular  and  in  many  cases  is 
entirely  lacking.  Being  only  ceremonial  recitations  of  myths, 
these  ceremonies  are  not  attached  in  their  performance  to  specific 
localities,  and  when  dancing  regalia  are  used  they  are  of  the 
simplest  character ;  nor  is  there  opportunity  for  either  altar  or 
ritual.  The  predominance  of  the  mourning  element  in  the  cere- 
monies of  this  region  is  further  shown  by  the  fact  that  among 
some  tribes,  as  the  Mohave,  these  same  singing  ceremonies,  be- 
sides being  performed  independently,  are  also  sung  for  many 
hours  at  every  death.  The  series  of  songs  selected  for  each  indi- 


VOL.  4]     Kroeber. — Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California.        341 

vidual  on  this  occasion  is  that  with  which  he  is  acquainted.  In 
accord  with  what  has  been  said  of  the  dream  as  the  basis  of 
Mohavc  religious  life,  these  singing  ceremonies  are  almost  always 
believed  by  each  person  to  have  been  dreamed  by  himself. 

CEREMONIAL  STRUCTURES  AND  PARAPHERNALIA. 

The  ceremonial  chamber  is  also  of  distinctive  character  in  the 
three  culture  areas.  In  the  Central  region  it  is  a  large,  circular, 
dome-shaped  structure,  partly  underground  and  with  a  covering 
of  earth.  It  serves  also  as  place  of  assembly  and  at  least  at  times 
as  sudatory,  whence  its  popular  name  of  sweat-house.  In  the 
Northwest  the  sweat-house  is  quite  small,  almost  entirely  under- 
ground, and  its  roof  consists  of  boards  without  a  covering  of 
earth.  It  is  constantly  used  for  sweating  and  is  the  regular 
sleeping  place  of  all  adult  males.  It  is  not  used  for  public  cere- 
monies except  in  the  case  of  the  dance  initiating  shamans.  In 
the  South  the  ceremonial  structure  is  not  a  house,  but  either  a 
mere  enclosure  of  brush,  as  among  the  Mission  tribes,  or  a  simple 
shade  of  brush  on  upright  posts,  as  among  the  Mohave.  This 
type  of  ceremonial  structure  is  also  found  in  the  southern  part 
of  the  Central  region  among  the  Yokuts. 

In  the  matter  of  dancing  apparel  the  Northwest  differs  funda- 
mentally from  all  the  remainder  of  the  state.  Some  of  the  most 
important  of  the  regalia,  such  as  long  obsidian  knives  and  albino 
deerskins,  are  not  worn  on  the  body  or  used  ritually  but  merely 
carried  for  display,  being  primarily  objects  of  great  value. 
Large  forehead-bands  entirely  covered  with  brilliant  red  wood- 
pecker feathers  more  nearly  resemble  ordinary  dancing  apparel, 
but  are  also  articles  of  value,  the  unmounted  woodpecker  feathers 
virtually  constituting  one  form  of  currency.  Other  objects  used 
in  dancing  are  dresses,  cloaks,  and  head-bands  of  skin  and  fur, 
head-dresses  of  network,  and  carefully  ornamented  plumes  and 
head  feathers.  All  these,  while  worn  on  the  body,  and  decora- 
tive, also  possess  considerable  commercial  value.  The  drum  is 
not  used,  the  whistle  employed  at  times,  and  the  rattle,  which 
consists  of  deer  hoofs,  but  sparingly. 

In  the  Central  region  objects  made  of  feathers  greatly  pre- 
dominate over  all  others,  and  are  mostly  made  to  be  worn  actually 


342  University  of  California  Publications.  [An.  ARCH.  ETH. 

on  the  body.  Head-dresses  are  particularly  conspicuous  and  of 
many  forms.  In  the  Sacramento  and  San  Joaquin  valleys  and 
the  adjacent  region  cloaks  of  large  feathers  attached  to  a  net- 
work are  worn.  In  the  Tulare  basin  these  are  replaced  by  skirts 
consisting  of  strings  of  eagle-down.  With  these  down-skirts  are 
worn  large  upright  head-dresses  of  crow  and  magpie  feathers. 
This  combination  of  costume  was  used  also  by  the  Mission  Indians 
in  Southern  California  and  by  the  Washo  of  Nevada,  and  at  least 
the  head-dress  is  found  as  far  north  as  the  Sacramento  valley. 
Network  caps  filled  with  down,  and  forehead  bands  of  down,  are 
frequent  in  various  parts.  Perhaps  the  most  typical  single  object 
of  ceremonial  apparel  is  a  flat  band,  usually  worn  on  the  fore- 
head, and  consisting  of  the  trimmed  red  quills  of  the  yellow- 
hammer  sewed  side  by  side.  This  head-band  occurs  through  the 
whole  of  Central  California  and  is  used  also  by  the  tribes  east  of 
the  Sierra  Nevada,  in  the  state  of  Nevada,  and  south  of  Te- 
hachapi  pass  in  Southern  California.  The  large  foot  drum  of 
the  Central  region  has  already  been  mentioned.  Whistles  are 
also  used  and  there  are  two  forms  of  rattle,  one  consisting  of  silk 
cocoons  containing  gravel,  the  other  of  a  split  stick.  The  cocoon 
rattle  is  usually  associated  with  the  shaman,  the  clap-stick  with 
dancing. 

In  the  South,  especially  among  the  Mission  Indians,  the 
dancing  apparel,  as  is  evident  from  the  instances  already  men- 
tioned, is  of  much  the  same  type  as  in  the  Central  area.  On  the 
Colorado  river  feather  ornaments  of  the  same  general  character 
are  used,  though  they  are  of  a  simpler  type  and  head-dresses 
predominate.  The  whistle  is  but  little  used  in  the  South,  the 
drum  occasionally,  baskets  and  other  objects  being  chiefly  em- 
ployed for  this  purpose.  The  rattle  is  the  all-important  musical 
instrument  in  this  region.  It  is  made  most  frequently  from  a 
gourd  or  a  turtle-shell. 

MYTHOLOGY  AND  BELIEFS. 

In  mythology  a  deep-going  difference  between  the  three  cul- 
ture areas  again  appears.  The  Northwestern  mythologies  are 
characterized  primarily  by  a  very  deeply  impressed  conception 
of  a  previous,  now  vanished,  race,  who  by  first  living  the  life  and 


VOL.  4]     Kroeber. — Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California.         343 

performing  the  actions  of  mankind  were  the  producers  of  all 
human  institutions  and  arts  as  well  as  of  some  of  the  phenomena 
of  nature.  Second  in  importance  in  the  Northwest  are  myths 
dealing  with  culture-heroes  more  or  less  of  the  trickster  type 
familial'  from  so  many  other  parts  of  North  America. 

In  Central  California  there  is  always  a  true  creation  of  the 
world,  of  mankind,  and  of  its  institutions.  The  conception  of 
the  creator  is  often  quite  lofty,  and  tricky  exploits  or  defeats  are 
usually  not  connected  with  him.  Often  there  is  an  antithesis 
between  this  beneficent  and  truly  divine  creator  and  a  second 
character,  usually  the  Coyote,  who  in  part  cooperates  with  the 
creator  but  in  part  thwarts  him,  being  responsible  for  the  death 
of  mankind  and  other  imperfections  in  the  world-scheme.  In 
the  northern  half  of  the  Central  region  the  creator  is  generally 
anthropomorphic;  if  not,  he  is  merged  into  one  personage  with 
the  more  or  less  tricky  Coyote.  In  the  southern  half  of  the  region 
the  creators  seem  always  to  be  animals  with  the  dignified  and 
wise  eagle  as  the  chief.  The  myths  of  the  Central  region  not 
directly  concerned  with  creation  are  mostly  stories  of  adventure, 
of  much  the  same  type  as  European  folk  and  fairy  tales.  They 
do  not  explain  the  origin  of  phenomena  except  in  a  casual,  iso- 
lated way,  and  but  rarely  are  of  ceremonial  import. 

In  Southern  California  there  is  no  creation.  The  various 
animate  and  inanimate  existences  in  the  world  are  born  from 
heaven  and  earth  as  the  first  parents.  Sometimes  heaven  and 
earth  are  regarded  as  the  first  concrete  existences,  who  were, 
however,  preceded  by  a  series  of  psychic  beings  grouped  in  pairs. 
The  bulk  of  the  Southern  origin  myth  consists  of  a  history  of 
mankind,  at  first  as  a  single  tribe  and  later  centered  in  the  tribe 
which  tells  the  story.  In  the  successive  experiences  of  this  body 
of  people,  which  are  accompanied  by  more  or  less  journeying,  the 
world  is  gradually  brought  to  its  present  stage,  and  all  the  insti- 
tutions of  mankind,  particularly  of  the  narrating  tribe  but  also 
of  others,  are  developed.  The  people  are  under  the  leadership  of 
one  or  two  great  leaders,  at  least  one  of  whom  always  dies  or 
departs  after  his  beneficent  directions.  The  thoroughly  South- 
western and  Pueblo  character  of  this  long  origin  myth  is  obvious. 
It  is  usually  followed  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  by  migration 


344  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

legends  recounting  the  wandering  and  conflicts  of  different  tribes 
or  clans.  The  remaining  myths  are  in  plot  essentially  not  very 
different  from  the  adventure  stories  of  the  Central  region,  but 
both  much  longer  and  more  elaborate,  and  at  the  same  time  dis- 
tinctively ritualistic  in  that  they  form  the  basis  or  framework  of 
the  singing  ceremonies  that  have  been  described.  As  these  cere- 
monies themselves  are  nothing  but  myths,  there  is  neither  need 
nor  room  for  traditionary  accounts  explaining  the  origin  of  the 
ceremonies. 

An  identification  of  myth  and  ceremony  that  is  in  many  ways 
similar  to  that  prevalent  in  Southern  California  is  characteristic 
also  of  the  Northwestern  region,  where  the  formulae  which  con- 
stitute the  essential  religious  elements,  as  well  as  being  the  direct 
means,  of  most  supernatural  accomplishment,  are  nothing  but 
myths.  The  Northwestern  formula  is  a  myth,  rarely  a  direct 
prayer,  and  practically  every  more  serious  myth  is  either  in 
whole  or  in  part  also  a  formula.  In  purpose,  however,  as  well 
as  in  rendering,  the  spoken  myth-formulae  of  the  Northwest  and 
the  sung  myth-ceremonies  of  the  South  are  different,  the  former 
having  always  a  definite  practical  result  in  view,  whereas  the 
latter  have  no  aim  other  than  their  own  recital. 

Thus  the  mythology  of  Southern  California  resembles  that 
of  the  Southwest  rather  than  that  of  the  remainder  of  the  state. 
That  of  the  Northwestern  region  shows  affinities  to  the  North 
Pacific  Coast  in  its  prevalence  of  the  culture-hero  and  trickster 
over  the  creator.  The  most  marked  special  characteristic  of  the 
Northwestern  mythology,  other  than  its  practical  use  of  myths 
for  religious  purposes  in  the  shape  of  formulas,  is  its  strong  and 
definite,  though  inconsistently  carried  out,  idea  of  the  previous 
race  which  is  parallel  to  but  distinct  from  mankind,  and  which  is 
the  originator,  not  by  any  act  of  creation  but  by  merely  living 
its  life,  of  everything  human  except  mankind  itself,  the  origin 
of  which  is  never  accounted  for.  This  idea  of  a  previous  super- 
natural race  analogous  to  mankind  crops  out  to  some  extent  in 
almost  all  North  American  mythologies,  and  particularly  in  other 
parts  of  California;  but  it  seems  nowhere  to  be  so  deep-seated 
and  so  freely  expressed  as  in  this  region.  The  members  of  this 
vanished  race  are  almost  always  strictly  human,  in  Northwestern 


VOL.  4]     Kroeber. — Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California.         345 

California,  and  not  animals  or  personifications.  They  are  noth- 
ing but  men,  living  the  life  of  the  Indians,  transposed  into  a 
mythic  supernatural  age,  and  hy  the  fact  of  their  mere  existence 
regarded  ;is  the  originators  of  the  present  condition  of  the  world. 
They  therefore  leave  no  room  for  a  creator,  and  but  little  for  the 
culture  hero,  whose  exploits,  when  not  of  purely  personal  sig- 
nificance, consequently  consist  mainly  of  the  destruction  of  evil 
beings. 

If  the  mythology  of  Northwestern  California  in  spite  of  its 
parti.il  northern  affinities  accordingly  has  a  dominant  character 
all  its  own,  the  same  is  also  true  of  the  larger,  more  representa- 
tive Central  region.  A  true  creator,  and  a  full  and  consistent 
attempt  at  an  account  of  the  creation,  are  found  nowhere  else  in 
North  America,  or  at  least  only  sporadically  and  carried  out  with 
an  apparently  much  less  degree  of  thoroughness.  The  remainder 
of  the  Central  Californian  mythology  however  scarcely  presents 
any  unique  qualities,  even  some  of  the  specific  myth-episodes, 
such  as  the  favorite  one  of  the  bear  and  deer  children,  being 
found  over  considerable  territories  outside  of  California.  Even 
the  important  characteristic  of  the  presence  of  creation-myths  is 
in  a  measure  a  negative  one,  for  from  a  world  view  some  ap- 
proach to  such  a  myth  may  be  expected  among  most  peoples, 
whether  primitive  or  civilized,  and  it  is  primarily  only  in 
America  that  special  bents  of  mind  and  of  religious  thought  have 
supplanted  the  idea  of  creation  by  the  culture  hero,  the  tribal 
history,  and  other  conceptions.  We  are  therefore  not  far  from 
right  if  we  regard  the  unique  development  of  creation  myths 
over  the  greater  part  of  California  as  merely  a  part  of  a  general 
tendency  of  the  California  Indians  towards  simplicity  and  lack 
of  strongly  marked  peculiar  and  American  qualities  in  any  one 
direction,  a  tendency  which  has  already  been  emphasized  in  other 
aspects  of  their  religion,  and  which  must  be  said  to  characterize 
their  whole  life  and  culture. 

Ideas  as  to  the  world  and  the  existence  of  the  dead  vary  from 
tribe  to  tribe  but  present  nothing  specially  distinctive.  The 
world  is  usually  regarded  as  surrounded  by  water,  sometimes  as 
floating  upon  it.  It  is  often  secured  by  four  or  five  pillars,  ropes, 
or  other  supports.  Beyond  where  earth  and  sky  meet  there  is 


346  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

often  another  land.  The  dead  sometimes  go  below,  sometimes 
above,  sometimes  across  the  ocean  to  the  west,  and  sometimes  to 
more  or  less  distant  parts  of  this  earth.  The  entrance  to  the 
world  of  the  dead  is  pointed  out  by  some  tribes.  People  who 
have  temporarily  died  have  been  there  and  returned  to  describe 
it.  Dances  constitute  the  principal  occupation  of  the  dead.  No 
ideas  of  future  rewards  and  punishments  based  on  conduct  in 
this  life  have  yet  been  found.  If  such  ideas  exist  they  must  be 
very  scantily  developed.  As  in  other  parts  of  the  world,  there 
are  occasional  ideas  of  transmigration  of  souls  into  animals,  but 
these  conceptions  are  nowhere  systematically  worked  out  or  of 
any  religious  importance. 

SPECIAL  CHARACTERISTICS  OP  DIFFERENT  TRIBES. 

Such  are  the  principal  characteristics  of  the  religion  of  the 
Indians  of  California  as  a  whole,  and  of  the  larger  ethnographical 
areas  of  the  state.  It  is  obvious  that  with  so  great  a  linguistic 
and  political  diversification  as  existed  among  these  Indians,  there 
must  have  been  many  local  modifications  of  the  scheme  which 
has  been  outlined.  The  most  conspicuous  or  best  known  of  these 
special  modifications  it  is  the  purpose  of  the  remainder  of  this 
paper  to  consider.  In  this  review  the  groups  to  be  taken  up  will, 
for  the  sake  of  greatest  convenience  of  classification,  be  the  lin- 
guistic families.  These  numerous  families  are  territorially  so 
restricted,  and  usually  so  small  in  numbers,  that  they  almost  form 
the  equivalent  of  the  tribe  in  other  regions  of  North  America, 
that  is  to  say,  of  a  subdivision  of  the  family.  Strictly  there  are 
no  tribes  in  the  greater  part  of  California.  The  families  or 
stocks  are  the  largest  linguistic  units,  usually  subdivided  into 
several  dialectic  areas,  each  of  which  contains  a  number  of  small 
village  communities  that  are  the  only  units  of  political  or  social 
organization. 

In  the  Northwestern  region,  in  spite  of  the  excessive  limita- 
tion of  this  territory,  a  distinction  must  be  made  between  three 
tribes  which  occupy  the  heart  of  the  region  and  show  the  culture 
in  its  most  extreme  form,  and  a  fringe  of  surrounding  tribes 
where  the  Northwestern  culture  is  either  less  developed  or  sub- 
ject to  greater  extraneous  influences.  The  three  more  charac- 


VOL.  4]     Kroeber. — Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California.         347 

teristic  groups  are  the  Yurok  and  Karok,  small  independent 
linguistic  families,  and  the  Hupa  division  of  the  Athabascan 
family.  These  alone  practice  the  Deerskin  dance  and  the  "New 
Year's"  or  world-making  ceremonies.  With  them  also  the  pecu- 
li;ir  !!i\thol(>i'.ical  and  shamanistic  conceptions  typical  of  the 
region  are  found  in  the  purest  form.  The  surrounding  tribes 
are  the  Wishosk  or  Wiyot,  perhaps  the  Chimariko  and  some  of 
the  Shasta,  the  Athabascan  Tolowa,  and  the  Athabascans  south- 
west of  the  Hupa. 

The  Yurok  held  the  Deerskin  and  Jumping  dances  at  three 
places  along  the  Klamath  river,  and  the  Jumping  dance  alone 
at  three  points  on  the  coast  to  the  south.  At  the  mouth  of  the 
river  an  annual  spring  ceremony  to  cause  or  regulate  the  ascent 
of  the  salmon  was  made.  Until  this  ceremony  had  been  made 
salmon  were  not  eaten.  The  shamans  of  the  Yurok  were  almost 
all  women.  Alone  of  all  the  tribes  in  the  Northwestern  region 
the  Yurok  held  no  dance  or  public  ceremony  on  the  occasion  of 
a  girl's  puberty.  Their  traditions  seem  to  have  the  peculiar 
Northwestern  qualities  perhaps  more  deeply  impressed  upon 
them  than  even  those  of  their  neighbors,  the  Karok  and  Hupa, 
especially  in  regard  to  the  underlying  conception  of  a  previous 
race  and  its  function.  In  accord  with  the  development  of  this 
conception,  the  mythical  heroes  of  the  Yurok  show  less  approxi- 
mation to  being  creators  than  those  of  the  other  tribes,  and  ani- 
mals are  mentioned  in  the  mythology  surprisingly  little. 

The  Karok,  who  live  immediately  upstream  from  the  Yurok 
on  the  Klamath,  held  the  Deerskin  and  Jumping  dances  at  three 
places.  At  each  of  these  the  dances  were  conducted  in  connection 
with  a  sacred  ceremony  called  "New  Year's"  by  the  whites  and 
"making  the  world"  by  the  Indians.  This  ceremony  was  per- 
formed early  in  autumn,  practically  by  one  man,  the  priest  who 
knew  the  formula  and  ritual.  A  similar  ceremony  was  held  at 
a  fourth  locality  in  spring,  in  connection  with  the  coming  of  the 
salmon.  The  Karok  regard  the  Deerskin  and  Jumping  dances  of 
the  Yurok  and  Hupa  as  the  equivalents  of  these  ceremonies  of 
their  own,  reckoning  altogether  ten  places  in  the  world  at  which 
they  are  performed.  Karok  mythology  is  of  the  Northwestern 
type,  but  shows  more  animal  characters  than  that  of  the  Yurok. 


348  University  of  California,  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH- 

The  territory  held  by  the  Hupa  was  much  less  extended  than 
that  of  their  neighbors,  and  this  was  no  doubt  the  occasion  of 
their  making  only  one  Deerskin  and  Jumping  dance  in  their 
valley.  They  held  a  New  Year's  ceremony  in  autumn  which  had 
distinct  reference  to  the  acorn  crop.  Ceremonials  and  restric- 
tions connected  with  menstruation  were  considerably  developed, 
much  more  than  among  the  neighboring  Yurok.  It  was  thought 
dangerous  to  speak  to  a  dog,  as  he  might  be  provoked  to  answer, 
which  would  be  a  fatal  portent. 

The  religion  of  the  other  Athabascans  in  this  part  of  the  state 
is  very  little  known,  but  it  is  certain  that  before  the  southern 
end  of  Humboldt  county  is  reached,  in  other  words,  in  the  Eel 
river  drainage,  a  totally  distinct  set  of  conceptions  and  practices 
is  encountered,  which  are  allied  to  those  of  the  Central  region. 

The  Wiyot  or  Wishosk,  who  adjoin  the  Yurok  on  the  south, 
did  not  practice  the  Jumping  dance,  other  ceremonies,  which 
are  very  little  known,  taking  its  place  among  them.  One  dance 
was  performed  by  women  standing  up  to  the  hips  in  water. 
Shamanism  is  of  more  prominence  among  them  than  with  their 
neighbors  the  Yurok,  and  men  as  well  as  women  are  affected  with 
supernatural  powers.  The  sex  of  the  guardian  spirit  is  usually 
the  opposite  of  that  of  the  shaman.  It  is  possible  that  on  account 
of  the  almost  complete  disappearance  of  their  tribal  life  and 
communal  religious  practices,  shamanism,  which  has  been  re- 
tained with  greater  vigor  among  the  Wiyot,  now  appears  rela- 
tively more  important,  as  the  only  remnant  of  the  religious  side 
of  their  culture.  An  elaborate  hanging  feather  head-dress,  a 
belt,  a  pipe  for  smoking,  and  another  for  sucking,  are  the  con- 
stant paraphernalia  of  the  medicine-man.  Two  shamans  often 
support  each  other  in  curing  disease,  one  diagnosing,  the  other 
removing  the  pain.  The  mythology  of  the  Wiyot  resembles  that 
of  the  Yurok  chiefly  through  possessing  certain  specific  narrative 
episodes  in  common  with  it.  But  the  idea  of  a  previous  parallel 
race  is  very  little  developed,  and  there  is  a  true  creator,  Above- 
Old-Man.  Most  of  the  other  mythical  characters  are  animals. 
The  whole  mythology  therefore  is  of  the  Central  rather  than  of 
the  Northwestern  type. 

With  the  Yuki  of  Mendocino  county  a  pure  form  of  the 


VOL.  4]      Kroeber. — Edition  <;f  the  Indians  of  California.         349 

(Vntral  cull ure  obtains.  The  creator  is  Taikomol,  "he  who  goes 
alone."  His  companion,  who  supplements  his  work,  especially 
as  regards  the  culture  of  man,  is  Coyote.  There  is  a  Taikomol 
ceremony  in  which  this  character  is  impersonated,  and  which  is 
shamanistic  at  least  to  the  degree  of  being  performed  to  cure  an 
individual  of  sickness.  There  is  no  trace  of  the  sacred  formulae 
of  the  Northwest.  The  shaman,  who  is  usually  a  man,  receives 
his  power  either  by  dreaming  or  in  a  vision  in  a  desolate  place. 
His  power  is  not  sought  by  him  and  he  possesses  definite  guardian 
spirits.  Bear  shamans  are  much  feared.  All  the  Yuki  possess  a 
sacred  society  initiation  ceremony,  in  which  performances  of 
mauic  are  prominent.  Among  the  northern  Yuki  and  neighbor- 
ing Wailaki  this  is  called  Flint  ceremony,  and  the  initiates  dis- 
play magic  powers  in  handling  and  swallowing  flint  points. 
Among  the  southern  Yuki,  as  among  the  neighboring  Porno  and 
Athabascan  Kato,  the  ceremony  relates  to  ghosts  and  is  popu- 
larly known  as  Devil  dance.  The  members  possess  power  of 
causing  sickness  and  contend  against  each  other  much  like  the 
shamans  of  the  Maidu  and  Yokuts.  ^  ,.  *  ..  ingi 

One  of  the  most  conspicuous  features  *bi  the  rengidn  of  the 
Porno,  who  are  south  of  the  Yuki,  is  their  shamanistic  fetishes. 
The  medicine-man  possesses  a  number  of  objects,  stones,  parts  of 
animals,  and  other  articles,  which  he  treasures  and  with  which 
his  power  is  largely  bound  up.  Porno  mythology  is  characterized 
by  the  importance  of  Coyote,  who  comes  nearer  than  any  other 
personage  to  playing  the  part  of  creator.  In  certain  ceremonies 
there  are  exhibitions  of  fire-eating  and  the  clown  occurs. 

The  Wintun  occupy  a  territory  which  is  of  much  greater 
extent  from  north  to  south  than  from  east  to  west.  The  northern 
and  southernmost  members  of  the  family  therefore  differ  con- 
siderably. In  the  north  there  is  a  well  defined  conception  of  a 
creator  who  dwells  above,  and  to  whom  Coyote  forms  an  anti- 
thesis. In  the  south,  where  everything  shows  the  Wintun  and 
Porno  to  have  influenced  each  other  considerably,  he  is  replaced 
by  Coyote.  In  both  regions  a  world-fire  is  prominent  in  the 
mythology.  In  the  north  the  shaman  is  inaugurated  in  his  career 
in  a  ceremony  in  which  he  is  assisted  by  his  older  colleaiMit-s. 
The  southern  Wintun  may  prove  to  have  been  the  people  who 


350  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH. 

largely  developed  the  dances  and  ceremonies  characteristic  of  a 
large  part  of  the  Sacramento  valley.  They  show  much  in  com- 
mon with  their  western  neighbors  the  Porno,  and  with  the  Maidn 
who  adjoin  them  on  the  east  and  who  themselves  declare  that 
they  have  derived  the  Hesi  and  other  dances  from  them. 

None  of  the  groups  so  far  discussed,  with  the  possible  excep- 
tion of  part  of  the  Wintun,  practiced  any  distinct  mourning 
ceremony.  On  the  other  hand,  all  that  follow,  with  the  possible 
doubtful  exception  of  one  or  two  tribes  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
state,  held  mourning  ceremonies  as  among  the  most  important  of 
all  their  religious  practices. 

The  Maiclu  everywhere  possessed  a  secret  society.  Their 
system  of  dances  becomes  less  and  less  developed  as  one  proceeds 
farther  from  Wintun  influence.  Among  the  mountain  tribes 
almost  all  ceremonies  were  much  less  developed  than  in  the  Sac- 
ramento valley.  Shamanistic  beliefs  and  practices  also  varied, 
although  there  was  everywhere  a  clear  idea  of  spirits  personally 
acquired  and  controlled  by  the  medicine-man.  Among  the  north- 
eastern Maidu  every  shaman's  son  invariably  became  a  shaman, 
although  only  through  his  own  acquisition  of  spirits,  which  might 
be  those  of  his  father.  In  the  Sacramento  valley  spirits  were 
acquired  by  involuntary  dreaming  without  much  regard  to  he- 
redity. Puberty  ceremonies  for  girls  were  performed  both  among 
the  northwestern  and  northeastern  Maidu,  perhaps  among  those 
of  the  south  also.  The  mythology  of  the  several  Maidu  divisions 
is  much  more  uniform  than  their  religious  practices.  The  cre- 
ator is  always  opposed  and  his  beneficent  work  rendered  incom- 
plete by  Coyote.  It  is  clear  that  the  mythology  of  the  Maidu  is 
distinctive  and  much  less  under  Wintun  influence  than  their 
ceremonies. 

Among  the  Miwok  the  Coyote  largely  takes  the  place  of  the 
creator.  As  among  their  northern  neighbors  the  Maidu,  the 
mourning  ceremony  was  important,  and  the  two  stocks  held  at 
least  certain  dances  in  common.  The  individual  mourning  prac- 
tices and  restrictions  of  the  widow  were  elaborate  and  severe. 
Nothing  is  as  yet  known  of  a  secret  society,  but  as  both  the 
southern  and  northern  neighbors  of  the  Miwok  performed  initia- 
tion ceremonies,  it  is  likely  that  they  also  possessed  them. 


VOL.  4]     Kroebcr. — Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California.         351 

Among   the   Yokuts,    who   occupied   the   head   of   the    San 
Joaquin-Tulare  valley  south  of  the  Miwok,  there  are  no  traces 
of  the  ceremonial  system  of  the  Sacramento  valley,  which  is  re- 
placed by  public  shamanistic  ceremonies,  in  which  contests  and 
exhibitions  of  magic  were  conspicuous.     The  annual  rattlesnake 
ceremony  which  has  been  described  is  of  this  type,  as  is  the 
Ohowish,  a  ceremony  in  which  medicine-men  from  different  vil- 
];i'_:vx  or  districts  directed  their  powers  against  each  other.    There 
seem  to  have  been  also  certain  animal  dances  among  the  Yokuts. 
Medicine-men  usually  acquired  their  power  by  dreaming,  some- 
times by  visions  while  alone.     Bear  shamans  were  known,  but 
were  not  so  much  dreaded  as  farther  north.    Rain  doctors,  who 
could  control  the  weather,  were  important.     Their  power  was 
bound  up  with  certain  stone  amulets  evidencing  a  fetishistic  de- 
velopment.     Formulae,   some   with    ritualistic    accompaniment, 
were  spoken,  but  differed  from  those  of  the  Northwest  in  being 
short  direct  prayers  or  supplications  instead  of  mythical  narra- 
tives.   The  creators  in  Yurok  mythology  are  several  animals,  the 
chief  of  whom  is  the  eagle  and  among  whom  Coyote  always  finds 
a  place.    A  favorite  mythological  personage  is  the  prairie-falcon, 
and  a  myth  which  has  found  a  particular  development  relates  the 
visit  of  a  husband  to  the  world  of  the  dead  in  pursuit  of  his  wife. 
Very  little  is  known  of  the  ethnology  of  the  coast  tribes  west 
of  the  Miwok  and  Yokuts.     Among  the  Southern   Costanoan 
peoples  creation  myths  resembling  those  of  the  Yokuts  are  found. 
Coyote  is  at  once  a  trickster  and  a  giver  of  civilization  and  arts 
to  man.     Similar  ideas  probably  prevailed  among  the  Salinan 
tribes.    As  regards  the  Esselen  and  Chumash  nothing  is  known. 
Tribes  belonging  to  the  great  Shoshonean  family  held  almost 
all  the  eastern  border  of  the  state  as  well  as  a  large  part  of  the 
southern  desert  and  coast  region.     The  former  inhabited  the 
Great  Basin,  and  are  culturally  entirely  distinct  from  those  of 
Southern  California,  of  whom  alone  is  there  any  considerable 
knowledge  extant  as  regards  religion.     Certain  of  the  northern 
groups,  such  as  the  Mono,  lived  on  the  western  or  California 
slope  of  the  Sierra  Nevada,  in  contact  with  the  Yokuts  and 
Miwok,  and  partook  more  largely  of  the  culture  and  presumably 
religion  of  these  people  than  of  the  tribes  of  the  Basin. 


352  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

Among  the  Shoshoneans  of  Southern  California,  such  as  the 
Gabrielino  and  Luiseno,  the  so-called  Mission  Indians,  mourning 
ceremonies  were  more  important  than  any  others,  and  were  held 
both  on  the  death  of  a  person,  sometime  afterwards,  and  again 
in  a  still  more  public  manner  at  large  gatherings.  At  some  of 
these  ceremonies  images  representing  the  dead,  and  recalling 
those  of  the  Maidu  far  to  the  north,  were  burned.  One  form  of 
mourning  ceremony  was  the  Eagle  dance,  performed  with  an 
eagle  that  was  slowly  killed  as  the  ceremony  went  on  through  the 
night.  Many  of  the  songs  of  the  mourning  ceremonies  are  of 
mythological  content,  referring  to  the  great  leader  or  culture- 
hero  Wiyot.  The  puberty  ceremonial  for  girls  was  elaborate  and 
contained  symbolic  actions.  The  initiation  of  males  was  intended 
for  boys,  and  therefore  also  took  on  largely  the  character  of  a 
puberty  ceremony.  This  character  was  heightened  by  the  pres- 
ence of  numerous  ordeals.  Part  of  the  initiation  of  boys  con- 
sisted of  the  drinking  of  jimson-weed.  Sand  paintings  of  a  very 
simple  type,  evidently  influenced  by  basket  patterns,  but  thor- 
oughly symbolic  in  meaning  and  therefore  essentially  of  the  same 
nature  as  those  of  the  Pueblos  and  Navaho,  were  made  in  con- 
nection with  this  initiation.  On  the  whole  religious  symbolism 
was  more  developed  than  in  Central  California  or  even  among 
the  Yuman  tribes  to  the  east,  who  are  geographically  so  much 
nearer  the  Indians  of  the  Southwest.  The  shaman  acquired  his 
power  by  dreaming,  and  the  pipe  with  which  he  sucked  as  well 
as  smoked  was  of  the  utmost  importance  to  him.  Paraphernalia 
were  much  used  by  the  shamans,  especially  boards  or  wooden 
swords,  which  were  swallowed  and  worn  as  head-dresses.  These, 
however,  were  not  purely  fetishistic  objects,  but  of  potency 
rather  through  symbolism  and  association.  The  mythology  of 
the  Shoshonean  Mission  Indians  was  not  essentially  different 
from  that  of  the  other  Indians  of  Southern  California. 

The  Yuman  family,  which  is  so  much  represented  in  Arizona 
and  Lower  California,  occupied  the  southernmost  portion  of 
Southern  California.  The  Diegueno  in  the  coast  mountains  and 
on  the  coast  were  culturally  similar  to  the  Shoshonean  Luiseno, 
with  whom  they  are  generally  included  as  the  present  Mission 
Indians.  Along  the  Colorado  river  the  physical  and  ethnic  envi- 


VOL.  4]     Kroeber. — Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California.         353 

nmnient  w;is  quite  different,  but  as  has  already  been  said,  there 
w;is  much  closer  resemblance  to  the  Mission  Indians  in  matters 
of  religion  than  in  almost  any  other  phase  of  culture.  The  prin- 
cipal Yuman  tribes  in  this  Colorado  region  are  the  Mohave  and 
the  Yuma.  The  religion  of  only  the  former  is  known,  but  the 
two  give  every  evidence  of  having  been  very  similar.  The  re- 
ligion of  the  Shoshonean  Paiute  or  Chemehuevi  in  the  desert 
adjoining  the  Mohave  has  been  largely  colored  by  the  influence 
of  the  latter.  The  most  distinctive  feature  of  Mohave  religion 
is  the  insistence  upon  dreaming  as  the  source  of  everything  re- 
ligions, ;i  It  hough  this  dreaming  must  be  interpreted  rather  as  a 
belief  in  the  presence  of  the  individual  in  spirit  form  at  the  great 
events  of  mythic  times.  All  myths  that  are  at  all  of  sacred 
character  are  believed  not  to  be  handed  down  by  tradition,  but 
to  be  dreamed  by  each  narrator.  The  shaman  receives  his  power 
by  dreaming  ritualistic  myths,  which  reveal  to  him  his  practices. 
The  lengthy  series  of  songs  which  are  the  essence  of  all  cere- 
monies, and  the  mythical  narratives  connected  with  them,  are 
also  learned  in  dreams.  It  is  probably  a  result  of  this  impor- 
tance of  the  dream-world  and  of  the  identification  of  myth  and 
ceremony,  of  religious  belief  and  religious  practice,  that  ritualism 
is  so  slightly  developed  among  the  Mohave.  Their  geographical 
nearness  and  intercourse  with  the  Hopi  and  other  southwestern 
tribes,  among  whom  ritualism  and  symbolism  find  perhaps  their 
highest  development  on  the  continent  north  of  Mexico,  would 
certainly  justify  a  contrary  expectation.  Both  ceremonial  ac- 
tions and  ceremonial  paraphernalia  and  dress  are  developed  only 
to  a  very  slight  extent.  There  is  no  initiation  or  society.  The 
sinking  ceremonies,  which  with  the  exception  of  a  few  minor  ob- 
servances such  as  that  for  a  girl's  puberty,  constitute  all  the 
Mohave  ceremonies  other  than  mourning  ceremonies,  are  quite 
numerous,  more  than  twenty  being  known.  Some  of  these  cere- 
monies are  acknowledged  to  have  been  borrowed  from  other 
Yuman  tribes,  especially  the  Yuma,  and  these  Indians  no  doubt 
have  also  acquired  Mohave  ceremonies.  Some  of  the  ceremonies 
are  primarily  mythical  in  character,  others  somewhat  shaman- 
istic.  All  are  also  sung  in  mourning.  In  addition  there  is  a 
distinctive  mourning  ceremony  held  annually  for  important  men. 


354  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

Much  of  the  material  on  which  the  statements  in  the  preceding 
essay  are  based  is  information  collected  by  the  University  of 
California's  Ethnological  and  Archaeological  Survey  of  Cali- 
fornia since  1901  and  as  yet  unpublished.  Of  old  accounts  deal- 
ing with  the  religion  of  the  Indians  of  California,  the  best  is  by 
the  Franciscan  missionary  Boscana,  entitled  Chinigchinich  and 
published  in  the  1846  edition  of  a  volume  by  A.  Robinson  called 
Life  in  California.  It  deals  with  the  Shoshonean  Indians  of 
Mission  San  Juan  Capistrano.  An  occasional  reference  of  value 
may  be  found  in  other  works,  such  as  Venegas'  History  of  Cali- 
fornia. The  series  of  translations  and  republications  of  early 
explorers  in  California  and  the  Southwest,  published  in  the  Land 
of  Sunshine,  later  Out  "West,  beginning  in  1899,  is  also  conven- 
ient, though  naturally  it  deals  but  incidentally  with  religion. 
Reid's  account  of  the  Indians  of  Los  Angeles  county,  published 
in  an  early  Los  Angeles  newspaper  and  republished  by  Alex- 
ander Taylor  in  the  fourteenth  volume  of  California  Farmer  in 
1861,  is  particularly  good,  though  less  so  on  the  side  of  religion 
than  on  most  others.  Stephen  Powers'  Tribes  of  California, 
issued  in  1877  as  the  third  volume  of  the  Contributions  to  North 
American  Ethnology,  a  government  series,  deals  with  the  Indians 
of  the  greater  part  of  the  state  and  contains  many  references  to 
their  religious  life.  Powers  is  however  often  very  inexact,  and 
the  value  of  his  work  is  in  its  comprehensiveness  rather  than  in 
its  reliability.  An  important  work  is  Creation  Myths  of  Primitive 
America,  by  Jeremiah  Curtin,  which  consists  of  a  collection  of 
myths  from  the  Wintun  and  Yana  of  Northern  California.  The 
differences  of  form  which  these  myths  show  from  most  Indian 
myths  that  have  been  published  in  translation  are  apparently 
chiefly  due  to  the  method  of  their  presentation  by  the  author. 
Curtin 's  introduction  is  very  suggestive  but  exaggerated.  Pro- 
fessor R,  B.  Dixon  has  brought  out  a  paper  on  Maidu  Myths,  and 
another,  a  great  part  of  which  is  devoted  to  religion,  on  the 
Northern  Maidu,  both  in  the  seventeenth  volume  of  the  Bulletin 
of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  These  two  con- 
tributions are  among  the  most  careful  studies  as  yet  made  by  a 


VOL.  4]     Kroeber. — Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California.        355 

trained  observer  in  any  part  of  the  state.  The  same  author  has 
also  published  briefer  articles  on  Some  Coyote  Stories  from  the 
Maidu  Indians  of  California,  System  and  Sequence  in  Maidu 
Mythology,  and  Some  Shamans  of  Northern  California,  in  recent 
volumes  of  the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  and  on  The  Myth- 
ology of  the  Shasta-Achomawi  in  the  American  Anthropologist 
for  1905.  Professor  P.  E,  Goddard  has  published  Life  and 
Culture  of  the  Hupa,  the  last  portion  of  which  refers  to  religion ; 
and  Hupa  Texts  (with  both  interlinear  and  current  translations), 
almost  all  of  which  are  religious  in  character.  These  two  papers 
constitute  Volume  I  of  the  University  of  California  Publications  in 
American  Archaeology  and  Ethnology.  In  the  Journal  of  Amer- 
ican Folk-Lore  for  1906  is  a  paper  by  the  same  author  on  Lassik 
Tales.  Miss  Constance  Goddard  DuBois  has  published  a  number 
of  valuable  papers  on  the  Mission  Indians,  mainly  concerning  the 
mythology  of  the  Dieguerio,  in  the  volumes  of  the  Journal  of 
American  Folk-Lore  for  1901,  1904,  and  1906.  In  the  American 
Anthropologist  for  1905  Miss  DuBois  has  an  article  on  the  Re- 
ligious Ceremonies  and  Myths  of  the  Mission  Indians,  while 
another  paper  on  The  Mythology  of  the  Dieguefios  appears  in 
the  Proceedings  of  the  Thirteenth  International  Congress  of 
Americanists.  From  the  present  author  there  have  appeared,  in 
the  second  and  fourth  volumes  of  the  series  of  American  Arch- 
aeology and  Ethnology,  of  the  University  of  California  Publica- 
tions, Types  of  Indian  Culture  in  California,  in  part  treating  of 
religion,  and  Indian  Myths  from  South-Central  California;  in 
the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore  between  1904  and  1906,  A 
Ghost  Dance  in  California,  Wishosk  Myths,  and  Two  Myths  of 
the  Mission  Indians;  in  the  American  Anthropologist  for  1902, 
A  Preliminary  Sketch  of  the  Mohave  Indians.  In  the  American 
Anthropologist  for  1905' and  1906  the  late  Major  H.  N.  Rust  has 
two  brief  articles  on  The  Obsidian  Blades  of  California  and  A 
Puberty  Ceremony  of  the  Mission  Indians.  The  Journal  of 
American  Folk-Lore  has  contained  a  rather  confused  article  on 
The  Cosmogony  and  Theogony  of  the  Mojave  Indians,  by  Capt. 
J.  G.  Bourke,  in  1889,  and  others  by  G.  W.  James,  on  myths  of 
the  Mission  Indians  of  Southern  California,  in  1902  and  1903. 
In  the  same  Journal  appeared  in  1902  An  Indian  Myth  from  the 


356  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

San  Joaquin  Basin  by  J.  W.  Hudson,  and  A  Composite  Myth  of 
the  Porno  Indians  by  S.  A.  Barrett  in  1906.  Since  1906  the 
Journal  has  contained  a  series  of  Notes  on  California  Folk-Lore. 


INDEX.* 


Above-Old-Man,  348. 

Acagchemem,  149. 

Acapulco,  9,  39;   Port  of,  11. 

Achomawi,  117,  172,  179,  180,  181, 
182;  creation  myth,  181. 

Adams,  William,  6,  7,  8,  10,  28,  29, 
33,  44. 

Aghashmai,  149,  150. 

Agua  Caliente,  70,  90,  101,  145, 148, 
150,  151;  division,  134;  Indiana, 
145,  150;  people,  146,  152;  tribe, 
150;  vocabulary,  71-89,  93-96. 

Agua  Caliente  de  San  Juan,  150. 

Agua  Dulce,  148,  151. 

Agua  Hedionda,  146,  147,  148. 

Aguanga,  146,  147,  148. 

Agua  Tibia,  147. 

Agudutsyam,  111. 

Agutushyam,  111,  140. 

Ahakuvilye,  108. 

Ahamoha,  139. 

Abapchingas,  144. 

Ahuwit,   144. 

Aiat,  107. 

Aipava,  108. 

Aishish,  183. 

Aitut,   175. 

Akatchma,  149. 

Akawaik,  139. 

Akhachmai,  149,  150. 

Aki,  338. 

Akura-gna,  142. 

Akutusyam,  111. 

Alamitos,  142. 

Alamo,  151. 

Aleupki-gna,  142. 

Algonkin  language,  258. 

Alisos  creek,  141,  149. 

Allen,  Harrison,  51. 

Almpqig-na,  142. 

Aloli-ngkasi,  338. 

Alona,  150. 

Altar,  337. 

Amakhaba,  125,  136. 

Amakhau,  136. 

Amargosa,  110,  118. 

Amat  kokhat,  149. 

America,  177,  196,  322,  323. 

American  Anthropologist,  181,  355. 

American  anthropology,  154. 


American  Ethnological  Society, 
Transactions  of,  116,  141,  148, 
150. 

American  Indians,  319. 

American  languages,  256,  257,  258, 
264,  266. 

American  linguistic  families,  263. 

American  myths,  176. 

American  Museum  of  Natural  His- 
tory, 66,  67,  170,  178,  249,  354; 
Bulletin  of,  117. 

American  publications,  154. 

"American  Race,"   cited,    157. 

Americans,  70,  73,  123,  124,  135, 
137,  319. 

Amugup,  108. 

Andrade,  Father  V.  de  P.,  11. 

Angelica,  334. 

Animism,  319. 

"Annual,"  of  Yuma,  335. 

Anthropolog.  Gesellsch.,  50. 

Anthropology,  Department  of,  169, 
252. 

Aniintap,  125. 

Aniitap,  111. 

Aoyi,  149. 

Arapaho,  113,  247. 

Archaeologia  Americana,   112. 

Archives  of  Mexico,  1. 

Arizona,  97,  107,  140,  352. 

Artificial  deformation  of  the  skull, 
53. 

Ash  Meadows,  110. 

Ash  Springs,  121. 

Ashop,    109. 

Asia,  320. 

Asiatic  Influences,  1. 

Asuksa-gna,  142. 

Atamavi,  108. 

Athabascan,  163,  263,  335;  Hupa, 
124;  Kato,  349;  Tolowa,  347. 

Athabascans,  186,  328,  347,  348. 

Atlantic  and  Pacific  drainages,  66. 

Auberry,  120. 

Aurora,  115. 

Australia,   322. 

Aviahnalye,  140. 

Avikavaguk,  108. 

Avikwame,  108. 

Awa,  147. 


Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  Am.  Arch,  Ethn.,  Vol.  4. 

[357] 


Index. 


Awi-gna,   142. 

Awiz-na,  142. 

Aztecs,  64. 

Azuza,  142. 

Badger  Camp,  121. 

Badwisha,  121. 

Baffin  land,  192. 

Bakersfield,  68,  123,  125,  127,  129, 

136,  194. 

Bakhkanapul,  124,  130. 
Bakiba,   108. 
Bald  Eagle  and  the  Prairie  Falcon, 

The,  214,  247. 
Ballora,  144. 
Baluntanakamapan,   125. 
Baluusha,  121. 
Balwisha,  121,  130,  165. 
Ba'moi,  108. 
Bancroft,   188. 
Bankalachi,   69,  98,   122,   124,   126, 

127,  129,  130;  vocabulary,  71-89, 

116. 

Banning,  132,  133,  151. 
Bannock,  67,  97,  98,  103,  104,  105, 

111,  115,  122;  vocabulary,  71-89, 

93-96. 

Banukh,  108. 
Banumints,   108,   134. 
Barrett,  S.  A.,  165,  186,  356. 
Barrows,  D.  P.,  101,  103,  131,  132, 

134,  148,  150,  151,  152. 
Barstow,  liil. 
Batiquitos,   146,   148. 
Batsigwana,  108. 
Batsiwat,  125. 
Battle  Mountain,  113. 
Bear,  338. 
Bear  and  Deer  Children,  The.  203, 

245. 

Bear  Lake,  113. 
Bear  mountain,  137. 
Bear  peak,  139. 
Bear  shaman,  331,  349,  351. 
Beginning  of  the  World,  The,  199, 

202,  204,  209,  218,  229,  245,  246, 

247,  249. 
Bekiu,  125. 
Beku,  125. 

Belmont,  112?  113,  116. 
Beneme,  135. 
Beneme  nation,  135. 
Benton,   115. 
Bergland,    146. 
Beristian,  40. 
Berlin,  51. 
Big-belly's  son,  173. 
Big  creek,  118,  120. 
Big  head,   337. 
Big  Pine,  68. 


Big  Sandy,  120. 

Big  Smoky  Valley,  113. 

Bill,  192. 

Bill  Williams  Fork,  106. 

Birth,  324. 

Bitanta,   108. 

Boas,  50,  101,  134,  147,  150,  151. 

Bohintau,  120. 

Bomura,  44. 

Bonsall,  147. 

Boscana,  82,  149,  150,  354. 

Bosgisa,   120. 

Boshgesha,  120. 

Boston,   170. 

Bourke,  Capt.  J.  G.,  355. 

Brinton,  154,  157,  163,  165. 

Brush  dance,  340. 

Buddhist  writings,  34. 

Buena  Vista  lake,  136,  137,  139. 

Bulletin  American  Museum  of  Nat- 
ural History,  117. 

Bulletin  Essex  instit,  132,  141,  144, 
148. 

Bunker  Hill,   134. 

Bureau  of  American  Ethnology, 
105,  115,  117,  128,  131,  133,  140, 

145,  153,  182. 
Burial,  322. 
Burning,   335. 

Burns,  L.  M.,  174,  180. 
Burnt-sling      and      Hummingbird 

myth,  186. 
Burr  valley,  120. 
Buschmann,  104,  112,  141,  154,  155, 

157,  158. 

Butte  county,  171. 
Caballeria,  Eev.  Father  Juan,  132, 

134,  143. 
Cabeu-gna,  142. 
Cabezon,  151,  152. 
Cabueg-na,  142. 
Cache  creek,  177. 
Cache  Valley,   113. 
Caguillas,    144. 

Cahita,  162;  vocabularies,  159-161. 
Cahuenga,  142,  143. 
Cahuilla,    70,    100,    101,    103,    108, 

132,  143,  144,  145,  146,  150,  151, 

152;    Indians,    133;    reservation, 

146,  151;    territory,    148,    151; 
valley,   148,    152;    villages,    151; 
vocabulary,  71-89,  93-96. 

Cahuillo,  133. 
Cajon  pass,  133. 
Cajuenches,  106. 
Calac,  Felix,  70. 
Calaveras  county,  53. 
Caliente,  68,  111;   creek,  111;  In- 
dians, 110. 


[358] 


Index. 


California,  central  ethnological  re- 
gion of,  187,  196;  Ethnological 
and  Archaeological  Survey  of, 
67,  169,  170,  190,  252.  354;  eth- 
nological divisions  of,  169;  In- 
dian, 331;  Indians,  50,  98,  100, 
117,  124,  326,  332,  334,  345;  in- 
terior valley  of,  137;  tribes,  164, 
325;  University  of,  169,  252, 
354;  visited  and  surveyed,  11. 

California  Farmer,  132,  141,  144, 
146,  147,  148,  149,  151,  152,  190, 
354. 

Californian  culture,  321 ;  languages, 
258,  262,  263;  Yokuts,  120. 

California-Nevada  Lane,  111. 

Californian  Yokuts,  120. 

Cambodia,  3. 

Cambridge,  51. 

Camulos,  131,  139,  141. 

Canada,  320. 

Canada  de  las  Llehaus,  149. 

Canada  de  las  Uvas,  138,  139. 

Cape  Mendocino,  11. 

Cape  St.  Lucas,  6. 

Capistrano,  146;  dialect,  150. 

Captain  Charlie,   191. 

Caro,  Father,  11. 

Carpenter's    Farm,    142. 

Carr,  L.,  51. 

Carrizal,   149. 

Carson,  102,  117;  valley,  252. 

Castac  lake,  138,  139. 

Catloltq,  245. 

Cavo,    28. 

Cedar  Springs,  135. 

Centerville,  54,  60,  62. 

Central  area,  342;  region,  197,  193, 
321,  330,  338,  339,  341,  343,  345; 
tribes,  331;  type,  348. 

Central  America,  Asiatic  influences 
in,  1,  46. 

Central  California,  152,  169,  177, 
182,  183,  189,  192,  253,  257,  330, 
336,  337,  342,  352. 

Central  Californian  mythology,  345. 

Central  Pacific  Railroad,  113. 

Cenyowpreskel,   148. 

Ceremonies,  321,  334. 

Ceremonial  chamber,  337,  341. 

Cerritos,  144. 

Cerro  de  las  Posas,  147. 

Chakapa,  147. 

Chakhiau   toltiu,   139. 

Chalola,  69,  194,  l»o. 

Chapanau,  139. 

Charleston  mountain,  108. 

Charley,  67. 

Chatumpumpuly'mai,  149. 


Cheibupan,  125 

Chemebet,   110. 

Chemeguabas,  135. 

Chemegue  Cuajaia,  107. 

Chemegue  Sevinta,  107. 

Chemehuevi,  68,  70,  98,  99,  102, 
104,  105,  106,  107,  109,  110,  111, 
118,  119,  131,  134,  135,  136,  140, 
152,  164,  353;  territory,  108; 
valley,  106,  107;  vocabulary,  71- 
89,  93-96. 

Chico,  171. 

Chidadichi,  121. 

Chihuaha,   64. 

Chimariko,   347. 

Chinigchinich,  149,  354. 

Chipohiu,   139. 

Chipowi,   139. 

Chitatiu,  121. 

Chivutpave,  138. 

Choinimni,    127. 

Chokish-gna,  142. 

Chokupaye,  140. 

Chowchilla,  240. 

Chowchilla  river,  117. 

Chowi,  143. 

Chowi-gna,  143. 

Christians  in  Japan,  9,  21,  23,  27, 
28,  31,  32,  45,  46. 

Christman,  Peter,  193. 

Chukaimina,  127. 

Chukaimina  Yokuts,  68. 

Chukchansi,  77,   191,   204. 

Chumash,  71,  91,  131,  136,  137, 
138,  139,  152,  153,  351;  lang- 
uage, 242. 

Chumashan  family,  153. 

Clark,  Galen,  188. 

Clear  Lake,  186. 

Clown,  337,  349. 

Coahuila,  152. 

Coahuilla,  103,  151,  152. 

Coahuillan  linguistic  family,  131. 

Coast  Range,  136,  169,  183,  186, 
188,  328;  region,  337. 

Coast  Indians,  177. 

Cobaji,    111. 

Comparison  of  the  mythologies  of 
North  and  South  Central  Califor- 
nia, 196. 

"Composite  Myth  of  the  Porno  In- 
dians, A,"  cited,  186,  356. 

"Collection  of  unedited  Docu- 
ments," cited,  2,  11,  34. 

Colorado,  98;  desert,  151;  region, 
353;  valley,  336. 

Colorado  nver,  68,  97,  98,  99,  105, 
106,  131,  320,  352;  feather  or- 
naments, 342;  tribes,  329. 


[359] 


Index. 


Colteches,   111. 

Colton,   132,  133. 

Columbia  river,  97,  117;  tribes, 
117. 

Comanche,  97,  98,  111,  113;  creek, 
137,  138;  vocabulary,  93-96. 

Comanche-Shoshone  family,  157. 

Contributions  North  American 
Ethnology,  114,  125,  174,  182, 
354. 

Cooksuy,  190. 

Cora,  154,  162;  vocabularies,  159- 
161. 

Corea,  3,  33. 

Corunga,   22. 

Coryell,  Mrs.  H.  H.,  112. 

' '  Cosmogony  and  Theogony  of  the 
Mohave  Indians,"  cited,  355. 

Costanoan,  187,  189,  190,  195; 
creation  myth,  189;  family,  190, 
191;  Indians,  338;  language, 
257,  262,  264;  mythology,  191; 
myths,  191 ;  people,  191 ;  terri- 
tory, 189. 

Cottonwood  Island,  106,  107. 

Coues,  Elliott,  106. 

Coulter,   158. 

Country  Club,  189. 

Couvade,  325. 

Covey,  C.  C.,  105,  112. 

Coville,   110. 

Cow,   194. 

Cowangachem,  134. 

Coyote,  200,  245,  338,  343,  349, 
350,  351;  and  his  Children,  201, 
245 ;  and  his  Wife,  201,  245 ;  and 
the  Hummingbird,  201,  245;  the 
Hawk,  and  the  Condor,  205,  246; 
with  a  Thorn  in  his  eye,  202, 
245. 

Coyote  dance,  189. 

Coyote's  Adventures  and  the  Prai- 
rie Falcon's  Blindness,  231,  249. 

' '  Crania  Ethniea  Americana, ' ' 
cited,  64. 

Crania  of  California,  51;  capacity 
of,  54,  55;  gnathic  index,  58; 
nasal  index,  59;  orbital  index, 
59;  palatal  index,  58;  relations 
of,  64;  shape,  56;  teeth,  60,  61. 

Cranial  measurements,  53. 

' '  Creation  Myths  of  Primitive 
America,"  cited,  170,  175,  249, 
354. 

Creation  of  the  world,  179,  181, 
189,  190,  195,  343. 

Creator,  343,  344,  347,  348,  349, 
351. 

Creeper,  338. 


Cremation,  322. 
Cry,   335. 

Cuabajai,  124,  135. 
"Cuadro    Descriptive    y    Compara- 
tive de  las  Lenguas  Indigenas  de 

Mexico,"  cited,   142,  156. 
Cucamonga,   134,   142,   143;    ranch, 

133,   143. 

Cucamungabit,  134. 
Culture  hero,   343,   344. 
Curtin,    Jeremiah,    170,    174,    175, 

176,  178,  179,  181,  182,  193,  354. 
Daal,    139. 

Daggett,  108,  131,  135,  139. 
Daishdanku,  127. 
Dakwish,   149. 
Dance  of  the  dead,  335. 
Dances,   337,   339,   350. 
Dancing,  319. 
Dapomai,    147. 
Dashima,  44. 
de  Acufia,  Don  Pedro,  3. 
Dead,  345. 

Death  Valley,  98,   110. 
Deer,  338. 

Deer  Creek,  98,  126,  128,  129,  130. 
Deerskin  dance,  339,  347. 
Deerskins,   341. 
de  Jesus,  Geronimo,  3,  4. 
"De  Liefde,"  7. 
Del  Norte  county,  187. 
Department   of   Anthropology,    47, 

51. 

de  Silva,  9. 

de  Sotomayor,  Don  Nuno,  30. 
de  Ulloa,  Lope,  5. 
de  Velasco,  10,  12,  45. 
de  Vivero,  6,  7,  8,  9,  10,  14,  15,  17, 

24,  25,  30. 
Devil  dance,  349. 
Diegueno,  73,   145,   146,   147,   148, 

149,  151,  352,  355;  divisions,  152. 
Disease,  319,  331,  332. 
Dixon,   E.   B.,   11 1,   170,   171,   172, 

174,  175,  179,  180,  181,  245,  263, 

354. 

Djeshiu,  121. 
Dobbin  creek,  186. 
"Documentos   Ineditos,"   cited,   2, 

11,  34. 

Dominga,  68. 
Doshpan,  125. 
Doyaghaba,  108. 
Drake,  Francis,  6. 
Dreaming,  328,  329,  353. 
Drum,  337,  342. 
Drum  valley,  121. 
Dry  Creek,   118,  120. 
DuBois,  Constance  Goddard,  355. 


[360] 


Index. 


Duck,  338. 

Duck    river    reservation,    112,    113, 

tie. 

Diimpimitowats,   108. 

Di'mipi  saghavatsits,  108. 

Dundiigumitowats,   108. 

Dunlap,  68,  121. 

Dutch,  26,  28,  29,  40,  44. 

Eagle   and   the   Condor,    The,    219, 

248. 

Eagle,  Bald,  214,  247. 
Eagle  dance,  352. 
Eagle's   Son,   The,   220,   248. 
Earth-maker,  171. 
Earth-namer,  171. 
Eel  river,  186;   drainage,  348. 
Egyptians,  320. 
Ehrenberg,  106. 
Ehutewa,  148. 
Ekkheya,  200. 
Eldorado  canyon,  105. 
"El  Puerto,"  149. 
Elsinore   lake,    146. 
El  Toro,  148,  152. 
Empire  of  Japan,  14. 
Enatbicha,   120. 
Encinitas,    146,    149. 
Endimbich,  68,  114,  120,  121,  122, 

130,   165;   vocabulary,   71-89. 
Ene  kelkawa,  148. 
English,  70,  90,  139,  143,  150,  157, 

252,  254,  256,  265. 
Engva,  144. 
Ensen,    200. 
Entimbich,  120. 
Entimbitch,  119. 
Ephi,  151. 
Epkhie,  151. 

Escondido.  146,  147,  148,  149. 
Eshom  valley,  121. 
Eskimo,  192,  327. 
Esmeralda  county,  115. 
"Espirito  Santo,"  5. 
Esselen,    71,    187,    351;    language, 

257,  262. 
Essex  Institute,   Bulletin   of,    132, 

141,   144,   148. 
"  Ethno-Botany  of    the    Coahuilla 

Indians  of  Southern  California," 

cited,  101,  103. 
European,    256,    257;     folk     tales, 

343 ;  languages,  264. 
"Familias    Linguisticas    de    Mexi- 
co, ' '    cited,    154. 
Falcon,  Prairie,  214,  247. 
Fasting,  326. 
Fernandeno,  70. 
Fernandenos,  141. 
Fernandez,   44. 


Fernandino    language,    139;    terri- 
tory, 131;  vocabulary,  71-89. 
Fernandinos,  141. 
Fetishism,  320,  349,  351. 
Field  Museum  of  Natural  History, 

66,  97,  247. 
"First   Official   Relations  Between 

Japan  and  Spain  with  Respect 

to  Mexico,"  cited,  1. 
Flint  ceremony,  349. 
Flower,   53. 
Food,   325. 

Forks  of  Salmon,  180,  181. 
Formulae,  326,   339,  344,  351. 
Fort  Hall  reservation,  67,  105,  113, 

115. 

Fort  Tejon,  138,  139. 
Franciscan  friars,  23,  30;  Mission, 

140;  Order,  12,  18,  30,  48. 
Franciscans,   133,    153. 
Fremont's  pass,   137. 
Fresno   county,   68. 
Fresno  river,  117. 
Friars,  the,  20. 
Frog-woman,   173. 
Gabrielino,  70,  91,  92,  101,  104,  131, 

132,  133,  134,  138,  141,  143,  144, 

145,  146,  148,  149,  153,  163,  352; 

group,   100,   140,   141;   "Indians 

of   Los   Angeles   County,"    153; 

language,  141;     territory,     141; 

vocabulary,     71-89,     93-96,     159- 

161. 

Gaitchim,   145,   149. 
Garces,   Francisco,   106,   107,     111, 

124,  135,  136. 
Gashowu,  192,  193;  tales,  192;  Yo- 

kuts  myth,  204,  205,  245,  246. 
Gashwusha,  120. 
Gatschet,    66,    101,    103,    104,    107, 

112,  114,  115,  125,  131,  132,  134, 

140,  145,  146,  148,  149,  150,  182. 
Gaweija,  110. 
Gawia,    152. 
Gawiijim,  110. 
Genesee,  171. 
Geographical       Society       London, 

Journal  of,  150. 
Germans,  29. 
Ghech,    145. 
Ghecham,  145. 
Gheech,   147. 
Ghesh,  147. 
' '  Ghost  dance  in   California,   A, ' ' 

cited,  355. 

Ghost  Dance  Religion,  115. 
Ghosts,  335. 

Giamina,  126,  127,  129,  130;  voca- 
bulary, 128. 


[361] 


Index. 


Gichamkochem,  151. 

Gidanemuik,   135. 

Gikidanum,  69,  130,  135,  194;  vo- 
cabulary, 93-96. 

Gila  valley,  106. 

Gitanemok,  135. 

Gitanemuk,  69,  90,  100,  104,  108, 
111,  123,  124,  126,  129,  130,  131, 
134,  135,  136,  137,  138,  194,  195; 
Serrano,  111,  124,  131;  Shosh- 
onean  myth,  243,  250;  territory, 
138,  139;  vocabulary,  71-89. 

Gitanemum,  135. 

Goddard,  P.  E.,  174,  186,  187,  263, 
355. 

Gold  in  Japan,   10,   14,   29. 

Golden  Gate,  189. 

Gonoilkin,  123,  125,  127,  129,  194. 

Gonzalez,  Jacinta,  191. 

Goose  Creek,  113. 

Gorman 's,   139. 

Gosiute,  113. 

Great  Basin,  66,  117,  351. 

Great  Lakes,  Ibo. 

Great  Salt  Lake,  113. 

Grinnell,  247. 

Gruber,  W.,  62. 

Guachama,  132,  134. 

Guachama-Cahuilla,  143. 

Guadalupe,  192. 

Guajome,    147. 

Guardian  spirit,  328. 

Guchayik,  138. 

Guejito,  146,  149. 

Gulf  of  Mexico,  11. 

Gupa,  148,  150;  people,  150. 

Gupa-nga-git-om,   150. 

Gvoots,  107. 

Gwalinyuokosmachi,   1 36. 

Gwichyana,  107. 

Hahamo-gna,  142. 

Hakwiche,  133,  150,  152. 

Halchidhoma,  106. 

Hale,  103,  104,  111,  116,  117,  122, 
141,  148,  150. 

Hale's  Shoshonean  vocabulary,  93- 
96. 

Hamahava-yim,    140. 

Hamak-have,   125. 

Hamechuwa,   148. 

Haminat,   138. 

Hamukha,  70,   139. 

Hano,  97. 

Hanyuveche,  108,  133,  135,  136, 
139. 

Harakaraka,   109. 

Haras-gna,  143. 

Harvard  University,   51. 

Hatawa,  148. 


Havilah,  111,  125. 

Hawt,  177. 

Head-dresses,  342. 

Hearst,  Mrs.  Phoebe  A.,  169,  252. 

Hebeyinau,  120. 

Hekwach,    150. 

Hepowwoo,  148. 

Hesi,    338,    350. 

Hesperian  Magazine,  188. 

Hidalgo,  64. 

Hidetada,  8. 

Hideyoshi  Taikun,  3,  5. 

Highland,   70,   133. 

Hihinkiava,  111. 

Hiko,  107. 

Hinienima,  108,  111,  140. 

Hiniima,    108,   110,    140. 

Hirado,  44. 

Hisakupa,  133. 

Historical  Conclusions,  164. 

"Historical  Note  on  the  Political 
and  Commercial  Relations  Be- 
tween Mexico  and  Japan,"  cited, 
2. 

"History  of  California,"  cited, 
354. 

"History  of  Japanese  Commerce," 
mentioned,  1,  6. 

' '  History  of  Santa  Barbara  Coua- 
ty,"  cited,  153. 

' '  History  of  the  Colonization  of 
America,"  cited,  6. 

"History  of  Washington  Town- 
ship, Alameda  County,"  cited, 
189. 

Hitchinna,  178. 

Hitltekwanak,   149. 

Hoffman,  W.  J.,  132,  141,  142,  143, 
144,  148. 

Hokwaits,   107,   109. 

Holakal,  150. 

Holkoma,  120,  130. 

Holkomah,    119. 

Holkommah,   119. 

Holokami,   120. 

Holotap,   125. 

Homhoabit,  134. 

Homoa,   134. 

Honewimats,   138. 

Honey  lake,  117. 

Hopi,  70,  97,  99,  107,  113,  122,  163, 
164,  165,  331,  353;  Branch,  162; 
vocabulary,  71-89,  93-96,  159-161 

Hot  Creek,  'l!3. 

Hout-gna,  142. 

Hudson,  J.  W.,  188,  356. 

Huichol,  162;  vocabularies,  159- 
161. 

Huike,  149. 


[362] 


Index. 


Huitohove,  138. 

Hulawona,  148,  152. 

Hurnboldt  county,  186,  348. 

Humboldt  Bay,  320,  328. 

Hupa,  124,  322,  347,  348;  reserva- 
tion, 70. 

"Hupa   Texts,"   cited,   355. 

Hutuk,  144. 

Hutuk-gna,  142. 

Huumai,  150. 

Huyulkum,  146. 

Hyko,  73,  112. 

Hyrtl,  63. 

Icayme,  147. 

Idaho,  67,  98,  105,  112,  113,  116. 

Ilhataina,    178. 

Images,  335,  352. 

Imitirio,  Mrs.  Juan,  68,  69. 

Indian   Department,    113. 

Indian  Linguistic  Families,  154. 

"Indian  Linguistic  Families  of 
America  north  of  Mexico," 
cited,  103. 

' '  Indian  Myth  of  the  San  Joaquin 
Basin,  An,"  cited,  188,  355. 

Indian  Myths  of  South  Central 
California,  169,  355. 

Indians  of  California,  319,  320, 
321,  327,  346;  of  Los  Angeles 
county,  141;  of  Northwestern 
California,  183;  of  the  Plains, 
193;  of  the  Southwest,  352;  of 
the  Yosemite  Valley,  188. 

Indian  Wells,  151. 

Indimbich,  120. 

Indio,  133,  151. 

Indo-European,  90;  languages,  265, 
266. 

Ingalls,  G.  W.,  104. 

Initiation,  330,  334,  336,  340,  349, 
350,  352,  353. 

Intimpich,  68. 

Inyo  county,  68,  110,  115,  122; 
Mono  of,  69,  114. 

Irup,  132. 

Isabella,  125. 

Isanthca-gna,  142. 

Isanthcog-na,  142. 

Itaywiy,  148. 

Itukemuk,  148. 

Ivanpah,  107,  110. 

lyakha,  144. 

lyemitsu,  2,  46. 

lyeyasu  Tokugawa,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7, 
8,  9,  10,  12,  22,  30,  34,  45,  46. 

Jaboneria,  142. 

Jack,  68. 

Jamajabs,  135. 

James,  G.  W.,  355. 


Japan,  archives  and  annals  of,  1; 

empire  of,  14;  ports  of,  opened 

to  Spanish,  5,  9,  35;  surveyed, 

31-33;  visited  by  English,  6;  by 

Portuguese,  3. 
Japanese    etiquette,     17,     22,     23; 

hospitality,   16;     merchants,     10, 

12,   13,  39. 
Jenigueche,  135. 
Jesuit,  44. 
Jimson  weed,  352. 
Jo,  193. 

Johnson,  Jim,  68. 
Josquendono,  15. 
Journal  Geographical  Society  of 

London,  150. 
Journal    of    American     Folk-Lore, 

170,  186,  187,  188,  248,  355. 
Juaneno,   91,   100,    101,    146,    149; 

territory,  150;  words,  150. 
Jumping  dance,  339,  347,  348. 
Jurumpa,  134. 
Jurupa,  132;  grant,  134. 
Juyubit,  144. 
Kakonta,  200. 
Kalakau,  125. 
Kamupau,  240. 
Karok,    172,    181,    347;    territory, 

180,  181. 

Kashawooshah.  119,  120. 
Kathlamet,  245. 
Katkatchila,   176. 
Kato,  349. 
Kauvuya,  103,  131. 
Kauvuyah,  101. 
Kauyaichits,  109. 
Kavinish,  151. 
Kawaiisu,  68,  69,  90,  98,  104,  105, 

108,  110,  111,  124,  125,  130,  135, 

137,  140;  vocabulary,  71-89,  93- 

96. 

Kawaisa,  110. 
Kawaizu,  110. 

Kaweah  drainage,  118;  delta,  121. 
Kaweah  river,  118,   119,  121,  125, 

129,  lov),  152;  tribe,  193. 
Kaweija,  110. 
Kaweisa,  130. 
Kawe-ngna,  142. 
Kawia,  151;  Indians,  133. 
Kawikochem,  151. 
.  Kawiasuh,  125. 
Kawishm,  110,  124. 
Kawiyayam,  152. 
Kechi,  145,  146. 
Kelsiu,  69,  126. 
Kelso  Creek,  111. 
Keriha,  177. 


[363] 


Index. 


Kern  county,  110,  125;  drainage, 
125;  falls,  125,  129. 

Kern  lake,  136,  137,  139;  Indians, 
125. 

Kern  river,  90,  98,  117,  118,  122, 
123,  124,  125,  126,  127,  129,  130, 
137,  194;  forks  of,  240;  group, 
122,  330;  Indians,  125;  Shosho- 
neans,  118;  slough,  125. 

Kern  River  Branch,  98,  130,  163, 
164. 

Khaguach,  150. 

Khaklamup,  125. 

Khakupin,  151. 

Khanat,  148. 

Khecham,   145. 

Khechmai,  145,  149,  150. 

Kheish,  147. 

Khesh,  153. 

Kheweyu,  146. 

Kichamguchum,  149. 

Kichamkwangakh,  149. 

Kicheyu,  68?  121. 

Kij,  141. 

Kilyewai,  148. 

King  of  Spain,  26,  31,  33,  38,  39. 

Kings  river,  68,  118,  120,  129; 
group  of  Yokuts  dialects,  312. 

Kingston  mountains,  110,  118. 

Kinki,  143,  153. 

Kinki-par,  143,  153. 

"Kiowa,  Calendar  History  of," 
cited,  105. 

Kizh,  141. 

"Klamath  Indians  of  Southwest- 
ern Oregon,"  cited,  182. 

Klamath  Lake  Indians,  182. 

Klamath  river,  180,  320,  328,  347. 

K'mukamtch,  183. 

Kodoyanpe  myth,  174. 

Kohoaldje,  107,  109. 

Kokhuene,  106. 

Kokhwaiu,  147. 

Kokoheba,  119. 

Kokohiba,  120. 

Kome,  147. 

Kopa,  150,  151. 

Kosho,  68,  118. 

Koso  Indians,  118;  mountains,  69, 
118. 

Kottenhamp,  6. 

Kowanga,  144. 

Kroeber,  A.  L.,  9. 

Kubahaivima,  136. 

Kuchibichiwanap  Palup,  125. 

Kughunulap,  125. 

Kukomo-gna,  142. 

Kuksu,   173,  186,   190,   337,  338. 

Kulau,  148. 


Kulaumai,  148. 

Kumachisi,  127. 

Kuvahaivima,  108,  135,  136. 

Kuvakhye,  108,  111,  135. 

Kwaiyutlp,  148. 

Kwakiutl,  172,  245;  language,  258. 

Kwalam,  147. 

Kwanakepai,  109. 

Kwanto,  the,  3,  7. 

Kwiakhta  Hamak-have,  136. 

Kwimguchum,  152. 

Kwimkwangakh,  152. 

Kwitanemun,  108. 

Kwitanemum,  108,  152. 

Laikiu,  139. 

La  Jolla,  146. 

Las  Pulgas,  147. 

Lake  Tahoe,  252. 

La  Mesa,  151. 

"Land  of  Sunshine,"  180,  354. 

La  Paz,  Port  of,  11. 

Lapau,  139. 

La  Puente,  142. 

La  Punta,  149. 

Las  Bolsas,  144. 

Las  Chollas,  148. 

Las  Flores,  146,  147;  creek,  149. 

Las  Pulgas,  147. 

Lassen  county,  117. 

Lassik,  180. 

"Lassik  Tales,"  cited,  186. 

La  Tinaja,  149. 

Lawilvan,  151. 

Lemhi,  116;  reservation,  105,  111, 
112,  113,  115,  122. 

Lemhi  Banning,  vocabulary,  93-96. 

Lemoncove,  121. 

Leon,  N.,  154. 

Lera,  Senor  C.  A.,  1,  2. 

"Life  and  Culture  of  the  Hupa," 
cited,  355. 

Life  in  California,  149,  354. 

Lime  Kiln,  118;  creek,  121. 

Linguistic  families  of  North  Amer- 
ica, 163. 

Loew,  114,  115,  134,  140,  141,  145, 
148. 

Lohim,  117. 

Loli,  338. 

Lone  Pine,  68. 

Long  Valley,  121. 

Loon-woman,  172;  myth,  ISO. 

Lord's  prayer,  142. 

Los  Alamitos,  144. 

Los  Angeles,  138,  140,  142,  144, 
354. 

Los  Angeles  county,  131,  141. 

Los  Angeles  Star,  141. 

Los  Coyotes,  148,  152. 


[364] 


Index. 


Los  Nietos,  144. 

Lower  California,  320,  352. 

Lucy,  68. 

Luiseno,  70,  90,  100,  101,  103,  134, 
141,  143,  144,  145,  146,  147,  148, 
150,  151,  152,  153,  162,  336,  338, 
352;  territory,  146;  vocabulary, 
71-89,  93-96,  159-161;  words, 
150. 

Luisefio-Cahuilla,  90,  91,  92,  104. 

Luiseno-Cahuilla  Group,  145,  150, 
151. 

Lukup,  144. 

Lumholtz,  158. 

Lutuami,  117,  183,  245;  myths, 
182,  183;  mythology,  182. 

Luzon,  9,  24. 

Madera  county,  68,  191. 

Madumda,  186. 

Magazine  of  American  History, 
132 

Maidii,  117,  171,  172,  174,  175,  176, 
177,  178,  179,  180,  182,  183,  187, 
188,  190,  191,  196,  197,  249,  253, 
328,  330,  331,  335,  336,  337,  338, 
349,  350,  352,  354;  creation 
myths,  179;  language,  257,  263; 
linguistic  family,  170. 

"Maidu  Myths,"  cited,  170,  171, 
174,  354. 

Malakash,   149. 

Malamai,    147. 

Malda,  69. 

Malheur  Lake,  115,  117. 

Malki,    151. 

Manabozho,  183. 

Man  and  the  Owls,  The,  228,  249. 

Mandivel,  109. 

Manila,  7,  8,  9. 

Map  of  distribution  of  Shoshonean 
dialects  of  California,  164. 

Marangakh,    133,    134. 

Marayam,    133,    134. 

Maricopa,  106. 

Maringayam,  133,  134. 

Maringints,  108,   133,  135. 

Marl   Springs,   110,   135. 

Maronge,  133,  148. 

Marten,  183. 

Martinez,   151. 

Masavngna,    144. 

Mastamho,  108,  329. 

Masumane,   21,  36,  47. 

Matajuai,   149. 

Mau-gna,    142. 

Mavin,    138. 

Mayaintalap,  130,  131,  135. 

Medicines,  334. 

Mekha,  147. 


Mekhelom  pompauvo,  147. 

Mendocino  county,  348. 

Mendoza,  2. 

Merriam,  C.  Hart,  68,  110,  118,  119, 
120,  124. 

Mesa  Grande,  146,  147,  149,  150. 

Mexican  boundary,  320. 

Mexican  family,  157. 

Mexican  groups,  164. 

Mexican-Opata  group,  157. 

Mexicans,  70,  163. 

Mexico,  39,  40,  46,  54,  66,  154,  158, 
163,  320,  353;  Asiatic  influences 
in,  1,  46;  national  archives  of,  1. 

Mexico  City,   10. 

Migrations,    49,    64. 

Mikiti,  193,  225,  248. 

Milkwanen,  148. 

Mill  Creek,  68,  118,  120,  121. 

Miller,  H.  H. 

Millerton,  114. 

Mineral  King,  121. 

' '  Mission  Indians  of  Southern  Cali- 
fornia," cited,  355. 

Mission  San  Jose,  189,  338. 

Mission  tribes,  341. 

Mission  Vieja,   142,   150. 

Miwok,  117,  175,  182,  187,  188,  189, 
195,  198,  204,  253,  335,  338,  350, 
351;  creation  myth,  191,  195; 
family,  190;  language,  257; 
myths,  189,  191;  story,  197. 

Moanauzi,  117. 

Modoc  Indians,  182;  myths,  182. 

Mofras,  Duflot  de,  144. 

Moha,  140. 

Mohave,  68,  70,  73,  84,  105,  106, 
107,  108,  109,  110,  111,  125,  135, 
136,  139,  140,  144,  150,  152,  329, 
330,  332,  334,  335,  340,  341,  353 ; 
ceremonies,  353;  desert,  99,  118, 
119,  131;  religion,  353;  reli- 
gious life,  341. 

Mohave  river,  70,  108,  111,  119, 
131,  134,  135,  136,  139;  Serrano, 
152. 

Mohave  Valley,  106,  108. 

Mohineyam,  70,  108,  139,  140;  Ser- 
rano, 111;  vocabulary,  71-89,  93- 
96. 

Mohinyam,  140. 

Mokaskel,   148. 

Moki,  97. 

Molilabal,  125. 

Mollhausen,  133. 

Moloko-ngkasi,  338. 

Monachi,  68,  98,  102,  113,  117,  118, 
119,  122,  124,  125,  129,  130. 

Monadji,  119. 


[365] 


Index. 


Mono,  68,  69,  73,  91,  98,  103,  104, 
113,  115,  117,  118,  119,  120,  121, 
122,  127,  129,  130,  253,  351; 
vocabularies,  71-89,  93-96,  159- 
161. 

Mono   county,   115,   117. 

Mono  lake,  117. 

Mono-Paviotso,  98,  103,  104,  105, 
110,  111,  112,  114,  115,  116,  117, 
118,  122,  123,  127,  130. 

Monserrate,  147. 

Monterey,  11,  190,  191. 

Mooney,  103,  105,  113,  115/117. 

Mootaeyuhew,  148. 

Moquats,  109. 

Moquelumnan,  117. 

Morengo,   133. 

"Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Lan- 
guage," cited,  263. 

Mourning,  322,  334,  340,  350,  352, 
353. 

Movwiats,   107. 

Moyo,   144. 

Mt.   Diablo,   189. 

Mt.  Whitney,  125. 

Muddy  river,   109. 

Muhumpal,  125. 

Muhuvit,  144. 

Miiller,  F.,  158. 

Munoz,  Father  Alonzo,   14. 

Mupoo,   139. 

Muscupiabe,   134. 

Mutsun,  157. 

Muuka,  108. 

Muukw,  108. 

Mythology,  342,  347,  348,  349,  350; 
of  the  Dieguenos,  355 ;  of  the  In- 
dians of  San  Antonio  Mission, 
190;  of  the  Northern  Central 
Eegion,  170;  of  the  Northern 
Maidu,  170;  of  the  Shasta- Acho- 
mawi,  355;  of  the  Southern  Cen- 
tral Eegion,  187. 

Myths,  The,  199. 

Nahuatl,  66,  91,  92,  154,  155,  156, 
157,  162,  164,  165;  group,  162; 
vocabularies,  159. 

Nahuatlan  family,  154,  155,  164. 

Nakau-gna,   142. 

Nakh,  109. 

Nakwalkive,    138. 

Name,  322. 

Natin    tinliu,    139. 

"Native  Eaces,"  cited,  188. 

Navaho,  108,  352. 

Naya,  108. 

Needles,  68. 

Netela,  145,  149. 


Nevada,  73,  98,  99,  102,  105,  107, 

108,  109,  112,  113,  115,  140,  252, 

253,   342. 

Newooah,  110,  130. 
New  river,  180. 
New  Spain,  2,  14,  24,  25,  33. 
New  Year's  Ceremony,  347,  348. 
Ngorivo,    146. 
Niguiti,   150. 
Nilengli,   133. 
Niles,  189. 
Nim,  68,  119. 
Nishinam,    117,    174. 
Noche,  124. 
Nohomo,  242. 
Non-Nahuatl  languages  of  Mexico, 

163. 
North  America,  66,  172,  174,   182, 

319,  320,  324,  325,  326,  327,  331, 

332,  345,  346. 

North  American  Indians,  322 ;  lan- 
guages, 262;  mythologies,  344. 
North  Central  California,  181,  190, 

195. 

Northeastern  California,  175. 
Northeastern  Maidu,  171,  172,  174, 

350;  stories,  173. 
Northern  California,  152,  169,  172, 

173,  174,  177,  180,  195,  354. 
Northern  California  people,  183. 
Northern  Maidu,  174,  179,  180,  354. 
Northern    Wintun,    175,    176,    177, 

178,  181. 

North  Fork,  118,  121,  125. 
North  Pacific  Coast,  172,  182,  183, 

192,  324,  327,  328,  344. 
Northwest,  325,  327,  331,  332,  341, 

344,  349,  351. 
Northwestern  area,  321,  324,  329, 

335;  culture,  346;  formula,  344; 

region,   322,   323,   325,   328,   333, 

336,   344,   346,  347;   tribes,   322, 

329,  330;  type,  347,  348. 
Northwestern  California,  170,  171, 

172,  177,  182,  183,  192,  197,  323, 

325,  326,  330,  333,  339,  345. 
Northwestern  Maidu,  174,  177,  179, 

350;  myths,  173. 
Norwanchakus,  177. 
Norwan,  176. 

Notes  on  California  Folk-Lore,  356. 
Nov-inch,    135. 
Nuchawayi,   69,   119. 
Nut'aa,  119. 
Nye  county,  113. 
Oaxaca,  47. 

Observances,  321,  323. 
Obsidian,  341. 


[366] 


Index. 


"Obsidian  Blades  of  California," 

cited,  355. 
Oceanside,   147. 
Ohowish,  351. 
Okhoe,  147. 
Okowvinjha,  144. 
Old-man-white-oak-acorn,  176. 
Olebis,  176;   myth,  176,  178. 
Ongoving,    143. 
Onkoito  myth,  174. 
Opila,    147. 

Orange  county,  141,  149. 
Oregon,   98,   Il3,    115,   117,   182. 
Origin    of    Death,    The,    203,    205, 

212,  231,   245,  246,  247,  249. 
Ortega,  Angel  Nunez,  1,  2,  11,  12. 
ttstu,  335. 
Otis,  51. 
Otoavit,   125. 
Otomi,  64. 
Outwest,  354. 

Owens   lake,   69,   118,   125. 
Owens  river,  68,  117,  120. 
Owens  Valley,  98;  Indians,  118. 
Owl    Doctor,   The,   205,   246. 
Owners  of  the  Sun,  The,  212,  247. 
Owyhee,  112. 
Oxo,  32;   Province  of,  21. 
Pachawal,  151,  152. 
Pacific  Coast,  174,  196. 
Pacific  Islands,  322. 
Pacific  Ocean  drainage,  66,  151. 
Pacific  Railroad  Reports,  108,  133. 
Pacific  slope,  321,  329. 
Paduunun,   125. 
Page  and  Butterfield,  112. 
Pahranagat,  107. 
Pahuchach,    108. 
Pah  Ute,  103. 
Paiakhche,  147. 
Pains,  329,  333. 
Painting,    337. 
Paiute,  68,  97,   98,   102,   103,   104, 

105,  106,  107,  109,  110,  112,  113, 

114,  117,  118,  119,  165,  252,  253; 

mountain,  111;  vocabulary,  116. 
Paiute-Chemehuevi,  108,  109. 
Paiute   Springs,   108. 
"Paiute  Tribos,"  119. 
"Paiuti,"  117,  128. 
Pakanepul,  124. 
Pakecbuana,   109. 
Pakhavkha,  144,  147. 
Pakhwa,  149. 
Pala,  70,  147,  151. 
Palabasichash,   150. 
Palamai,    147. 
Palasakeuna,  150. 
Paleummi,   125. 


Paleuyami,  125,  126,  129;  tribe, 
193. 

Pallegawonap,  125. 

Palligawonap,  125. 

Palos  Verdes,  143,  144. 

Pal  seta,  151,  152. 

Pal  tewat,  151. 

Paluunun,   125. 

Paluyam,    125. 

Palwisha,  121. 

Palwunuh,   125. 

Panak're,    147. 

Panakhil,   150. 

Panamint,  98,  119,  134,  135;  In- 
dians, 110,  118,  119,  134;  moun- 
tains, 110,  119,  134;  range,  118. 

"Panamint  Indians  of  California, 
The,"  cited,  110. 

Panau,  149. 

Pankhe,  150. 

Panoghoinoghoipun,  125. 

Panther's  Children  and  Coyote, 
The,  243,  250. 

Panumints,  135. 

Panumits,  108,  134,  135. 

Papago,  154. 

Paraniguts,  107. 

Paranukh,   107. 

Parry,  158. 

Pasek-gna,  142. 

Pasheckna,  144. 

Pashingmu,  144. 

Pasino-gna,  142. 

Paskwa,  148. 

Paso  creek,  129,  131,  135,  137,  138, 
139. 

Pastoria  creek,  131,  138,  139. 

Patawopin,  139. 

Patltokonak,  149. 

Pauba,  146. 

Paulpa,  149. 

Pauma  rancheria,  147. 

Paumo,   147. 

Pa-Ute,  64. 

Pavioteo,  73,  77,  98,  104,  114,  115, 
117,  253;  vocabulary,  93-96. 

Pawai,  149. 

Pawi,  148,  152. 

Pawnee  and  Blackfoot,  247. 

Payamguchum,    147. 

Pazo-ods,   119,   120. 

Peabody  Museum,  51. 

Pear  Orchard,  142. 

Peninsula  of  California,  6. 

Peru,  54. 

Peter  Baptist,  14. 

Petonoquats,  118. 

P'hallatillie,   125. 

Phillip,  11,  14. 


[367] 


Index. 


Philippines,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  9,  26,  46. 

Physical  anthropology  denned,  50. 

' '  Physiological  and  Medical  Ob- 
servations, "  cited,  61. 

Pico  Blanco,  199,  245. 

Piiv,   148. 

Piliwinipan,  125. 

Pima,  154,  156,  162,  163,  165. 

Piman,  66,  154,  158,  162;  family, 
154,  155,  164;  vocabularies  159. 

Pimentel,  142,  156,  157,  158. 

Pimoka-gna,  142. 

Pimu,   143,   153. 

Pimu-gna,  142. 

Pineugna,   142. 

Pine  Eidge,    120. 

Pioche,  109. 

Pipimar,    144,    153. 

Piru,  139,  141;  creek,  141. 

Pitanisha,  124,  125,  130. 

Pitannisuh,  125. 

Pitanta,  108,  134,  140. 

Pitnani-u,    124. 

Pit  River  Indians,  179. 

Piwipui,   148. 

Piwiva,  150. 

Place  names  in  or  near  Serrano  ter- 
ritory, 133,  134;  of  the  "Indians 
of  Los  Angeles  county,"  142, 
143;  in  Gabrielino  territory,  143, 
144;  in  Luiseno  territory,  146, 
147;  in  and  near  Cahuilla  terri- 
tory, 148 ;  in  Diegueno  territory, 
148,  149;  in  Juaneno  territory, 
150. 

Plains,  101,  172,  173,  327,  328,  331; 
tribes,  248. 

Plateau,  101,  103,  130,  164;  Branch, 
92,  97,  98,  99,  103,  130,  162,  163 ; 
dialects,  111;  groups,  98,  99,  122, 
123;  Shoshoneans,  102. 

Plato,   138. 

Pleasanton,  189. 

Pleiades,  193,  213,  214,  247. 

Plumas  county,  171. 

Plural,  stem  differentiation  for  in 
Washo,  294. 

Poelo,  125. 

Pohalin  tinliu,  139. 

Pohiksavo,  149. 

Pohonichi  Miwok,  191,  192;  myth, 
202,  203,  245;  tales,  204. 

Pohonichi   Moquelumnan,   68. 

Point  Conception,  169,  320. 

Poipin,  139. 

Porno,  90,  175,  182,  187,  190,  331, 
335,  336,  337,  338,  349,  350;  lan- 
guage, 257,  263. 

Ponganatap,  125. 


Pope  Gregory  XIII,  45. 

Port  of  Uraga,  8,  9,  22,  26,  27,  36. 

Portuguese,  3,  10,  29,  30. 

Posgisa,  120. 

Poshgisha,   120,   130. 

Poso  creek,  123,  125,  126,  127,  129, 

130. 

Potosi,   109. 
Potrero,   151. 
Powell,  J.  W.,  49,  98,  103,  104,  107, 

113,  128,  131,  140,  153,  155,  156, 

253. 
Powell  and  Ingalls,  105,  106,  109, 

113,  114,  115. 
Powers,     Stephens,     114,  117,  123, 

124,  125,  128,  132,  153,  171,  174, 

175,  177,  187,  188,  191,  193,  245, 

354. 
Pozos  de  San  Juan  de  Dios,  110, 

135. 

Prague,  51. 

Prairie  Falcon  fights,  The,  221,  248. 
Prairie  Falcon  loses,  The,  223,  240, 

248,  250. 
Prairie   Falcon's   Wife,   The,    221, 

248. 

Prayers,  351. 
Presa,  The,  142. 
Previous  race,  342,  344,  347. 
"Preliminary    Sketch    of    the   Mo- 
have  Indians,"  cited,  355. 
Priest,   327. 
Pronominal        differentiation        in 

American  languages,  264. 
Pronoun    in    American    languages, 

nature  of,   264. 
Protector   of   Christianity,   41. 
Providence     mountains,     107,   108, 

109,    110,    135. 
Province  of  Oxo,  21. 
Province  of  Suraga,  22. 
Puaghant,   109. 
' '  Puberty  Ceremony  of  the  Mission 

Indians,  A,"  cited,  365. 
Pubu-gna,   142. 
Pubuna,   150. 
Puchorivo,   146. 
Pueblo,  64. 
Pueblo    Branch,    97,    164;    people, 

165. 

Pueblos,  352. 

Puerta  de  la  Cruz,  146,  148. 
Puerta  Noria,    146,   148. 
Puget  Sound  Region,  182. 
Purification,   322. 
Pushuyi,  149. 
Pusin  tinliu,  139. 
Putnam,    F.    W.,    51,    103. 
Putuidem,    150. 


[368] 


Index. 


Puwipui,    133. 

Quanis   Savit,   149. 

Quashish,    Marcellino,   70. 

Queen  of  Spain,  21. 

Race  of  the  Antelope  and  Deer, 
The,  213,  247. 

Rain  shamans,   351. 

Ranchito  de  Lugo,  142. 

Rancho  de  la  Lliebre,  138. 

Rancho  del  Chino,  142. 

Rancho  de  los  Felis,  142. 

Rancho  de  los  Verdugos,  142. 

Rancho  de  los  Ybarras,   142. 

Rancho  Tejon,  68,  69,  137. 

Rattle,  342. 

Rattlesnake  creek,  121. 

Rattlesnake  ceremony,  339,  351 ; 
shaman,  331,  333. 

Raymond,  68. 

Redlands,  134. 

Redondo,   143,   144. 

Reed  peak,  189. 

Reese  River  Valley,  113. 

Reid,  132,  141,  142,  143,  144,  148, 
152,  153,  354. 

Relation  of  Shoshonean  to  Nahuatl, 
154. 

Religion  of  the  Indians  of  Califor- 
nia, The,  319. 

"Religious  Ceremonies  and  Myths 
of  the  Mission  Indians,"  cited, 
355. 

Reno,  102,  115,  116,  252. 

Report  Chief  Engineer,  140. 

Report  Commissioner  of  Indian  Af- 
fairs, 114. 

Resimbon,   150. 

Rincon,   70,   147. 

Ritualism,  319,  353. 

Riverside,  132,  134,  141;  county, 
106. 

Roberts,  125. 

Robinson,  A.,  149,  354. 

Rocky  Mountains,  67,  97,  98,  112, 
113,  116,  165. 

Rosario,  68. 

Roth,  62. 

Rumsien,  200;  Costanoan  myth, 
199,  200,  201,  202,  245. 

Russian  river,  189. 

Rust,  H.  N.,  355. 

Ryusai,   10. 

Saan,  144. 

Saboba,  146,  147. 

Sacramento,    187. 

Sacramento  river,  171,   189. 

Sacramento  valley,  117,  169,  171, 
183,  190,  328,  336,  337,  338,  342, 
350,  351;  region,  175,  196; 
tribes,  193. 


Sagami,  8. 

Sahaptin,   117. 

Saiempive,  108. 

Sakishmai,   149. 

Salalu-ngkasi,  338. 

Salinan,   187;   family,   190;   tribes, 

351. 

Salinas,  14,  143,  144. 
Salmon  river,  174,  180;  north  fork 

of,  181. 
Salton,  151. 
Sam,  70. 
San   Bernardino,   71,  99,   132,   133, 

134,  141,   143;   county,  70,   110; 

mission,  133;  mountains,  99,  131, 

133,  134,  135,  136,  139,  141,  144, 

151,  195;  Serrano,  143. 
San  Bernardino  Times-Index,   132, 

133,  134,  151. 
San  Bernardo,  146,  149. 
San  Buenaventura,  10,  14,  138,  149. 
San  Clemente  Island,  143,  153. 
San  Diego,  149. 

San  Diego  county,  70,  101,  149. 
San  Dieguito,  146,  148,  149. 
Sand  paintings,   352. 
Sandy,  109. 
San  Elijo,  148. 

San  Emidio,  138,  139,  240,  242. 
San  Felipe,  5,  147,  149,  150,  151. 
San   Fernando,   70,   138,   141,   142, 

144;    mission,    100,    141. 
San   Francisco,  9,   12,   41,  52,  54, 

169,  187,  191. 
San  Gabriel,  70,  133,  135,  140,  141, 

142,  144;  mission,  100,  133,  144. 
San  Gaetano,  139. 
San  Gorgonio  mountains,  146,  148; 

pass,  132,  233,  134,  151. 
San  Jacinto,  100,  146;  divide,  146; 

mountain,  148;  range,  100,  133, 

151. 

San  Joaquin  Mono,  114. 
San  Joaquin  river,   118,   119,   120, 

122,    129,    130,    189,    191,    192; 

North  Fork  of,  68,  119. 
San     Joaquin-Tulare     Basin,     125, 

195. 
San    Joaquin-Tulare    valley,    351 ; 

distribution    of   Shoshoneans   in, 

128. 
San  Joaquin  Valley,  111,  117,  128, 

130,  144,  169,  175,  187,  194,  325, 

342;  drainage,  129,  135;  Indians, 

197. 

San  Jose",  142,  143,  146,  148. 
San  Jose"   Mission,   189,  338;     In- 
dians, 189. 
San  Jose"  Valley,  132. 


[369] 


Index. 


San  Juan,  149,  189. 

San  Juan  Capistrano,  82,  141,  144, 

145,  149,  150;  Indians,  145,  149; 

mission,    100,    354;     vocabulary, 

93-96. 

San  Luis  Obispo  county,  137. 
San  Luis  Eey,  133,  146,  147,  148; 

canyon,  146 ;   mission,  100,   145 ; 

river,    101,    134,    143,    145,    146, 

148,  150. 

San  Marcos,  146,  147. 
San  Mateo,  150. 
San  Miguel  islanjd,  153. 
San  Nicolas,  153. 
San    Onofre,    145,    146,    149,    150; 

creek,  149. 
San  Pasqual,  146. 
San  Pedro,  144. 
San    Timoteo,     134;     canon,     132; 

pass,  151. 

San  Ysidro,  148,  150,  151. 
Santa  Ana,  144. 
Santa  Ana  Yorbas,  142. 
Santa  Anita,  142. 
Santa   Barbara,   51,   64,   138,   153; 

archipelago,    321;    county,    137; 

islands,  137,  152. 
Santa    Catalina    Island,    142,    143, 

144,  153. 
Santa  Clara  river,  135,  141;  valley, 

131. 

Santa  Cruz  island,  153. 
Santa  Gertrudis,  147. 
•Santa  Margarita,   147;   river,   146, 

151. 

Santa  Monica,  70,  141. 
Santa  Paula,  13tf. 
Santa  Kosa,  146,  147,  151. 
Santa  Rosa  island,  153. 
Santa  Ysabel,  149. 
Sanyaupichkara,  149. 
San  Ygnacio,  148,  151,  152. 
Sapela,  148,  152. 
Sasau,  139. 
Satow,   Ernest,   12. 
Saucal,  144. 
Savetpilye,  108,  109. 
Saway  Yanga,  144. 
Sawyer's  Bar,  181. 
Say,  112. 

Schermerhorn,  Eobert,  252. 
Schoolcraft,  358. 
Science,  110,  118. 
Scott's  Valley,  180. 
Scouler,  150,  158. 
Sechi,  151. 

Secret  society,  336,  350. 
Seiat,  150. 
Sekhat,  144. 


Sekigakara,  battle  of,  3. 

Selish  language,  258. 

Sergi,  56. 

Serrano,  69,  70,  90,  92,  101,  103, 
108,  119,  123,  131,  132,  133,  135, 
136,  139,  140,  143,  144,  145,  146, 
148,  151,  195;  dialect,  100; 
group,  99,  130,  131 ;  territory, 
129,  132,  133,  144;  vocabulary, 
93-96,  159-161. 

Serranos,  99,  110,  132,  138. 

Serritos,  143. 

Shade,  341. 

Shaiamup,  125. 

Shaman,  347. 

Shamanism,  319,  321,  327,  348. 

Shasta,  174,  180,  181,  182,  187, 
347;  myths,  179,  180;  mythology 
of,  180,  181;  region,  175. 

Shasta-Achomawi,  181. 

Shatnau  ilak,  111. 

Sheepeaters,  112. 

Shikaich,  118. 

Shikapa,  147. 

Shikaviyam,  68,  69,  114,  118,  124; 
vocabulary,  71-89. 

Shinauva,  108. 

Shinkiro,  3. 

Shiv-its,  135. 

Shivwits,  107;  Paiute,  107. 

Shokhonto,  121. 

Shosake,  10. 

Shoshone,  104,  111,  112,  113,  115. 

Shoshonean,  187;  comparative  vo- 
cabulary of,  92;  family,  66,  154, 
190,  351;  groups,  195;  Indians, 
354;  Kawaiisu,  129;  language, 
263;  Luiseno,  352;  Mission  In- 
dians, 352;  Mono,  165;  myth 
material,  188;  myths,  194;  Pai- 
ute, 353;  Pitanisha,  240;  vocab- 
ularies,  71,  92,  93-96,  116,  128, 
159. 

Shoshonean  Dialects  of  California, 
65,  253. 

Shoshoneans,  352,  353;  stock,  252; 
distribution  of  in  the  San  Joa- 
quin-Tulare  valley  of  California, 
128;  political  organization  of, 
101. 

Shoshonean  Stock,  Dialectic 
Branches  of,  100. 

Shoshone  Indians,  dialect  of,   112. 

Shoshoni,  67,  97,  102,  103,  111,  112, 
113,  114,  116,  122;  vocabulary, 
71-89,  93-96,  116,  159-161. 

Shoshoni-Comanche,  77,  98,  105, 
111,  112,  113,  115,  116,  122,  165. 

Shotten,  Timothy,  6. 


[370] 


Index. 


Shukutpupau,  149. 

Siam,  3. 

Siba-gna,  142. 

Sibapot,  144. 

Sierra  do  Gabilan,  199,  245. 

Sierra  Nevada,  68,  98,  114,  115, 
117,  118,  119,  122.  12r>.  130,  136, 
169,  188,  190,  253,  322,  342,  351 ; 
region,  183,  324. 

Sierras,  97,  117,  118,  124,  128,  129. 

Sierra  watershed,  117. 

Sikaium,  118. 

Sikauyam,  68,  118. 

Singing  ceremonies,  340,  344,  353. 

Siouan  family,  263. 

Sioux,  102. 

Sisitkano-gna,  142. 

Sivel,  151. 

Sivingadapin,  139. 

Sivinte,  107,  109. 

Sivits,  107. 

Skull,  artificial  deformation,  53. 

Snake  Indians,  117. 

Snake  river,  98,  105,  112,  116,  117. 

Soda  Lake,  108,  135. 

Sokut  Menyil,  151. 

' '  Some  Coyote  Stories  from  the 
Maidu  Indians  of  California," 
cited,  107,  355. 

"Some  Shamans  of  Northern  Cali- 
fornia," cited,  355. 

Sona-gna,  142. 

Sonora,  154. 

Sonoran,  154,  156,  162 ;  division, 
163;  family,  157;  group,  154, 
155,  162,  163;  region,  165;  vo- 
cabularies, 159. 

"Sosoni  Indians,"  107. 

Sotelo,  Fr.  Louis,  27,  35,  36,  41. 

Soto,  Maria  Viviena,  191. 

Soumai,  147. 

South,  331,  333,  341,  342,  344. 

South-central  California,  170,  172, 
173,  192,  195,  196. 

Southern  California,  66,  92,  102, 
103,  104,  119,  131,  132,  140,  141, 
145,  152,  164,  170,  195,  196,  320, 
321,  324,  325,  327,  329,  332,  336, 
342,  343,  344,  351,  352;  branch, 
99,  119,  123,  129,  130,  131,  162, 
163;  dialects,  163;  groups,  99, 
122;  Shoshoneans,  131. 

Southern  Costanoan,  351. 

Southern  Maidu,  174,  175. 

Southern  Miwok,  189. 

Southern  province,  321. 

Southern  Wintun,  178,  182,  349; 
myth,  177. 

Southern  Yuki,  349. 


Southwest,  196,  327,  354. 

Sovovo,  146,  147. 

Sovovoyam,  146. 

Sowvingt-ha,  144. 

Spaniards,  49,  73,  76,  123,  124,  141. 

Spanish,  76,  89,  103,  143,  152,  157; 
Franciscans,  44;  king,  45;  mis- 
sionaries, 152;  queen,  21;  speak- 
ing Indians,  110. 

Spanish-speaking  people,  140. 

Spring  Valley,  113. 

' '  Spuren  der  Aztekischen, ' '  cited, 
156. 

Squaw  Valley,  68. 

St.  Clair,  H.  H.,  66. 

Steichen,  Father,  1,  7. 

Stewart,  George  W.,  190. 

Suanga,  142. 

Sua-ngna,  142. 

Sucking,  333,  352. 

Sukonia,  178. 

Suraga,  Province  of,  22. 

Swanton,  J.  R.,  133. 

Sweathouse,  341. 

Sycamore  creek,  118,  120. 

Symbolism,  319,  352,  353. 

"System  and  Sequence  in  Maidu 
Mythology,"  cited,  170,  355. 

Tachi,  192,  193. 

Tachi  Yokuts  myth,  197,  212,  213, 
214,  215,  216,  247. 

Taghanashpa,  147. 

Tahichapahanna,  125. 

Tahichipi-u,  111. 

Tahichp,  125. 

Tahoe  region,  117. 

Taikomol,  184,  337,  349. 

Takhtam,  132,  134. 

Tamankamyam,  134,  151. 

Tamikochem,  151. 

Tanoan,  97. 

Tantawats,  107. 

Tarahumare,  64,  162,  163. 

Tashlibuanau,  139. 

Tatavi-yam,  140. 

Tawi,  148. 

Taylor,  132,  141,  142,  144,  148,  149, 
151,  190,  354. 

Tebotelobelay,  124. 

Tecuya,  138. 

Teeth  of  California  Crania,  60,  61. 

Tehachapi,  68,  111,  187;  creek, 
137;  Indians,  110;  mountains, 
98,  99,  100,  110,  111,  119,  130, 
131,  134,  320;  pass,  125,  129, 
130,  169,  320,  342;  peak,  138, 
139;  region,  136,  140;  watershed, 
129. 

Tehachapi-Tulare  tribes,  136. 


[371] 


Index. 


Tejon,  110,  111,  123,  136,  141; 
creek,  100,  123,  129,  130,  131, 
135,  137,  139,  194;  Indian,  139; 
Indians,  130,  135;  pass,  138; 
rancheria,  138;  region,  136;  res- 
ervation, 123,  137. 

Tekumak,  147,  149. 

Telamni,  127. 

Temalwahish,  151. 

Temecula,  146,  147. 

Temeku,  147. 

Temescal  creek,  144,  146,  147. 

Tenhanau,  139. 

Tennas,  178,  193. 

Tepehuan,  152;  vocabularies,  159- 
161. 

Texel,  7. 

Theft  of  Fire,  The,  202,  211,  245, 
246. 

Thompson,  245. 

Thompson  and  West,  153. 

Thompson  River  Indians,  172. 

Three  Eivers,  121. 

Thunder  and  Whirlwind,  225,  248. 

Thunder  Twins,  The,  214,  247. 

Tibaha-gna,  143. 

Tikitspe,  Irf8. 

Tilkwananu,  149. 

Tillie,  125. 

Timpashauwagotsits,  107,  109. 

Tipatolapa,  125. 

Tipniu,  139. 

Tisechu,  120. 

Toatwi,  147. 

Tobacco,  334. 

Tobikhar,  101,  103,  131,  140,  148. 

Tobohar,  148. 

Toibi-pet,  142,  143. 

Toloip,  126. 

Toineu  lomto,  139. 

Toiyabe,  113. 

Tokie,  138. 

Tokio,  1. 

Tokya,  138. 

Tokye  language,  242. 

Toll  House,  120. 

Tolocabi,  134. 

Toloim,  124. 

Toloip,  124. 

Tolowa,  187,  347. 

Tom,  192. 

Tomkav,  147. 

Tomola,  125. 

Tomolami,  125. 

Toov,  149. 

Topanga,  143. 

Torres,  44. 

Torres.  151. 

Tosa,  5. 


Totakamalam,  149. 

Touanga,  148. 

Tova,  148,  151. 

Tovats,  108,  109. 

Toviscanga,  1*1,  144. 

Towincheba,  119,  120. 

Trabuco,  150. 

Trance,  328. 

Transactions  American  Ethnologi- 
cal Society,  116,  141,  148,  150. 

Transmigration  of  souls,  346. 

"Tribes  of  California,"  cited,  125, 
153,  174,  354. 

Trickster,  343,  344,  351. 

Tripniu,  139. 

Truhohayi,  192. 

Truhohi,  192,  193;  stories,  193; 
Yokuts  myth,  209,  211,  212,  246, 
247. 

Trumoyo,  111. 

Tsuitsau,  139. 

Tsututaiwieyau,  139. 

Tubatulabal,  68,  69,  90,  91,  92,  98, 
99,  104,  110,  111,  118,  122,  123, 
124,  125,  126,  127,  129,  130,  131, 

135,  136,   164,  240;   dialect,  99; 
vocabulary,     71-89,     93-96,     159- 
161. 

Tukhokhayi,  192. 

Tukumak,  149. 

Tulamni,  127,  137. 

Tulare  basin,  123,  128,  131,  339, 
342;  drainage,  100,  125;  lake, 
98,  118,  121,  123,  126,  128,  132, 

136,  137,  192,  193. 

Tule  river,  126,  127,  128,  129,  188, 
194;  reservation,  69,  126,  194; 
tribe,  193. 

Tulchuherris,  177. 

Tumangamal-um,  141. 

Tumoyo,  111. 

Turahumare   vocabularies,    159-161. 

Turner,  56,  62. 

Turtle,  338. 

Tushau,  121. 

Tuvasak,  141,  144. 

"Two  Myths  of  the  Mission  In- 
dians," cited,  355. 

Tybo,  113. 

"Types  of  Indian  Culture  in  Cali- 
fornia, ' '  cited,  355. 

Uintah  Ute,  67. 

Ukhkawalanapuipan,  125. 

Unavngna,  144. 

United  States,  54,  154,  157/320. 

U.  S.  National  Museum,  52. 

Unuv,  148,  149. 

Uraga,  Port  of,  8,  9,  22,  26,  27,  36, 
37. 


[372] 


Index. 


Urbita,  134. 

Ushmai,  147. 

Utah,  98,  112,  113,  114. 

Ute,  67,  97,  98,  102,  104,  105,  108, 
113,  135,  248;  vocabulary  71-89, 
93-96,  159-161. 

Uto-Aztekan,  144,  154,  163 ;  family, 
66,  157,  253;  stock,  165;  table, 
157. 

Ute-Chemehuevi,  90,  98,  103,  105, 
110,  113,  115,  118,  120,  123,  129, 
130,  134,  135;  Kawaiisu,  119. 

Valley  Center,  146,  147. 

Vanderbilt,  109. 

Van  Duzen  creek,  186. 

Vanyume,  108,  135,  136,  139. 

Venegas,  354. 

Ventura  county,  131,  137,  141. 

Viceroy  of  Mexico,  10,  33. 

Virchow,  51,  64. 

Virgin  river,  107,  109. 

Visalia,  190. 

Viscaino,  11,  12,  13,  14,  15,  16,  17, 
18,  19,  20,  23,  24,  25,  26,  27,  29, 
30,  31,  32,  35,  36,  37,  38,  39,  40. 

Vision,  328. 

Visit  to  the  Dead,  The,  216,  228, 
247,  249. 

Vorojo,  Jose',  70,  71,  133. 

Voth,  H.  R.,  66. 

Wachama,  134. 

Wacharones,  200. 

Wachbit,  133. 

Wahliknasse,  124. 

Waikuri,  157. 

Wailaki,  349. 

Wakesdachi,  121. 

Wakhaumai,  147. 

Waksachi,  120,  122,  124,  130,  165; 
Mono,  125. 

Wakwi,  148,  152. 

Walapai,  107. 

Walker's  Basin,  111,  125. 

Walker  Basin  Creek,  111. 

Walker  river,  98,  116;  reservation, 
115. 

Walpapi,  117. 

Walyepai,  107. 

Warner's  Ranch,  151;  Indians,  151. 

War  of  the  Foothill  and  Plains 
People,  223,  248. 

Washakie's  band,  113. 

Washo,  102,  117,  252,  253,  342; 
territory,  253. 

Washo  language,  251  seq. ;  adjec- 
tive, 299 ;  case  suffixes,  270 ;  com- 
binations of  sounds,  255;  com- 
position, 258 ;  connectives,  301 ; 
demonstratives,  269 ;  final  sounds, 


255;  independent  personal  pro- 
nouns, 267;  influence  of  sounds 
upon  one  another,  256;  instru- 
mental prefixes,  286;  interroga- 
tives,  269;  initial  sounds,  255; 
list  of  grammatical  affixes,  260; 
noun,  270;  numerals,  299;  order 
of  words,  301;  phonetics,  253; 
plural,  271;  possessive  pronomi- 
nal affixes,  274;  pronominal  in- 
corporation, 279 ;  reduplication, 
257;  relation  to  other  languages, 
253,  312;  specimen  phrases,  306; 
structure,  258;  tense  and  mode, 
289;  territorial  extent,  252; 
texts,  302;  verb  stems,  296;  vo- 
cabulary, 308. 

Washoe,  252. 

Waskha,  147. 

Wateknasi,  124. 

Water-woman,  176. 

Watskiu,  139. 

Wealth,  display  of,  339. 

Weasel,  183. 

Weldon,  125. 

Wells,  112,  116. 

Western  Shoshone  Reservation,  112, 
113,  115. 

Western  Washington,  182. 

Wewutnowhu,  151. 

Wheaton,  Tom,  69. 

Wheeler's  Survey,  66,  103,  111,  115, 
125,  131,  132,  140,  141,  146,  150. 

Whipple,  108,  133,  143. 

Whiskey  Flat,  125. 

Whistle,  342. 

White,  Bill,  191. 

White  Pine  county,  113. 

White  river,  69,  123,  126,  129; 
drainage,  126. 

Wiasamai,  147. 

Wiawio,  147. 

Wied,  112. 

Wier,  Miss  J.  E.,  112. 

Wihinasht,  103,  111,  117;  vocabu- 
lary, 93-96. 

Wilakal,  148,  150. 

Willow  creek,  117. 

Winanghatal,  122,  124,  125. 

Winangik,  125. 

Wind,  176. 

Wind  River.  113;  reservation,  113. 

Wintun,  175,  176,  177,  178,  179, 
181,  182,  190,  196,  330,  338,  349, 
350,  354;  influence,  350;  lan- 
guage, 257;  linguistic  family, 
170,  175;  material,  175;  myth, 
174,  175,  178;  stories,  175. 

Wishosk,  183,  333,  347,  348. 


[373] 


Index. 


"Wishosk  Myths,"  cited,  170,  171, 
355. 

Witanghatal,  124,  135. 

Witchcratt,  332. 

Witskamin,  124. 

Wiwayuk,  111. 

Wiyot,  148,  328,  333,  347,  348,  352. 

Wobenchasi,  Izl. 

Wobonoch,  121. 

Wobonuch,  121,  122,  130,  165. 

Wobunuch,  121. 

Wokinapuipan,  125. 

Wokwuk,  176. 

Wolak,  148,  150. 

Wolf  and  the  Crane,  The,  214. 

World-fire,  349. 

Wowol,  69. 

Wukachmina,  124. 

Wukchamni,  124,  193;  Yokuts 
myth,  190,  218,  247. 

Wuksache,  119. 

Wuwoprahave,  138. 

Wyeth,  112. 

Wyoming,  98,  113. 

Xavier,  St.  Francis,  44. 

Yabipai,  107. 

Yagats,  109. 

Yahauapan,  125. 

Yahuskin,  117. 

Yakola-ngkasi,  338. 

Yamiwo,  148. 

Yamiyu,  133. 

Yana,  172,  174,  175,  178,  179,  180, 
187,  196,  249,  354;  language, 
257;  linguistic  family,  170;  ma- 
terial, 178;  myth,  178,  193; 
mythology,  179. 

Yang-ha,  144. 

Ya-ngna,  142,  144. 

Yangwana,  149. 

Yaudanchi,  124,  193,  214;  Yokuts 
myth,  219,  220,  221,  223,  225, 
228,  248,  249. 

Yauelmani,  69,  126,  127,  137;  In- 
dians, 137;  informant,  195; 
stories,  193,  194;  territory,  194; 
Yokuts,  193;  Yokuts  myth,  229, 
231,  240,  249,  250. 


Yawelmani,  137. 

Yedo,  3,  8,  32,  38. 

Yerington,  115,  116. 

Ygnoria,  146. 

Yitiamup,  125. 

Yitpe,  111. 

Yiwinanghal,  122,  124,  125. 

Yokuts,  67,  68,  69,  71,  72,  77,  82, 
83,  84,  90,  91,  108,  110,  111,  118, 
119,  120,  121,  122,  123,  124,  125, 
126,  127,  128,  129,  131,  135,  136, 
137,  138,  139,  140,  165,  187,  191, 
192,  194,  195,  257,  325,  332,  333, 
335,  336,  338,  349,  351;  Choi- 
nimi,  121;  family,  190;  Gashowu, 
120;  language,  257,  258,  262, 
263;  myths,  189,  192,  196;  origin 
myths,  195;  story,  188;  territory, 
188;  tribe,  152;  tribes,  188; 
Wukchamni,  121. 

Yolol,  125. 

Yosemite,  188,  204. 

Yotowi,  175. 

Yowedmani,  137. 

Yuaka-yam,  140. 

Yucaipa,  134. 

Yucatan,  320. 

Yuhiktem,  152. 

Yuki,  90,  179,  180,  183,  184,  187, 
249,  328,  331,  335,  336,  337,  348, 
349 ;  creation,  181 ;  creation 
myth,  184;  culture-hero  myth, 
185;  myths,  183,  185;  language, 
257,  258,  262,  263;  origin  of  the 
creator,  189;  stories,  186,  197. 

Yukhakhonpom,   152. 

Yulau,  125. 

Yuma,  106,  107,  335,  353. 

Yuman,  67,  102,  106,  145,  146,  148, 
157;  family,  84,  352;  tribes,  152, 
352;  Mohave,  119,  125,  153. 

Yunakat,  108. 

Yurok,  322,  328,  347,  348;  myth, 
233;  mythology,  351. 

Yutp,  111,  125. 

Zacatula,  40. 

Zuyder  Zee,  7. 


[374] 


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